University of Isfahan Textual Criticism of Persian Literature 2476-3268 17 2 2025 06 22 The Necessity of Re-Editing Yamini's Translation The Necessity of Re-Editing Yamini's Translation 1 20 29176 10.22108/rpll.2025.142509.2378 FA Seyyedmohammadreza Moshtaqian Ph.D. student, Department of Persian Language and Literature, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran MohammadReza Torki Associate professor, Department of Persian Language and Literature, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2024 09 30 Abstract Al-Yamini authored by Abu al-Nasr Muhammad ibn Abd al-Jabbar Utbi (d. 427 AH), is a vital source for understanding the historical context of Ferdowsi's era, as well as the periods of the Samanids, Ziyarids, Buyids, and Ghaznavids. While the author sometimes indulges in excessive praise of Mahmud of Ghazni, historical significance and insightful content of the text are undeniable. The early Persian translation by Abu al-Sharaf Nasih ibn Zafar Jurfadeqani stands out as one of the finest examples of refined Persian prose, skillfully mirroring the style of Kalila wa Dimna. Just as the original Al-Yamini is recognized as a significant historical work, its translation can be regarded as a paragon of Persian literary excellence. Jurfadeqani also provides valuable historical insights into the later Saljuq period in Iraq within the introduction and conclusion of the book. Fortunately, a considerable number of manuscripts of Al-Yamini, along with its translations and commentaries, have survived, facilitating scholars in reconstructing the original text. This article offered an introduction and analysis of over 20 distinguished early manuscripts of Jurfadeqani's Persian translation of Yamini. It also assessed the shortcomings of previous editions and, through a comparison with more recent editions, advocated for the need for a revised version. Additionally, it highlighted the superior readings found in the newer edition compared to earlier ones. Keywords: Al-Yamini, Translation of Yamini, Translator, Nasih ibn Zafar, Manuscript. Introduction Al-Yamīnī, also referred to as Muʿjiz al-Kuttāb wa Muḥriz al-Ādāb, is a significant historical text in Arabic that provides extensive information on the history and geography of Iran. A substantial portion of this work is dedicated to the biographies of Mahmud Ghaznavi and his father, Sabuktigin. Since its composition, numerous insightful commentaries in Arabic have been produced over the centuries, further enriching the understanding of this important text. Materials & Methods The initial phase of the scholarly critical editing of the text—central to my Ph.D. dissertation—involved gathering information on manuscripts through extensive searches of domestic and international library catalogs and websites. Subsequently, I collected photographs of these manuscripts, identified various features, and categorized them according to their authenticity, value, and reliability. Approximately 70 manuscripts of the Al-Yamīnī translation were identified, with 10 dating back to before 750 AH. After a thorough examination and analysis of these manuscripts, those that were merely copies or derivative versions were excluded from the critical editing process. The Shahid Ali Pasha manuscript was selected as the base text for the critical edition; however, it contained occasional inaccuracies and thus could not be considered definitive. The differences between this manuscript and 4 other authoritative (non-base) manuscripts were detailed in the footnotes using specific symbols and abbreviations for clarity. Research Findings The research on Al-Yamini, particularly its Persian translation by Abu al-Sharaf Nasih ibn Zafar Jurfadeqani, revealed significant insights into historical texts and manuscript studies. The key findings were as follows: Historical Significance: Al-Yamini was crucial for understanding the history of the Samanids, Ziyarids, Buyids, and Ghaznavids and it provided an extensive biography of Mahmud Ghaznavi. Manuscript Availability: A wealth of manuscripts existed with approximately 70 identified, including 10 from before 750 AH. This included valuable manuscripts from the Saljuq period, which enhanced the historical context of the translation. Critical Editing Process: The research emphasized a systematic methodology for critical editing, involving the collection and analysis of various manuscripts. The Shahid Ali Pasha manuscript served as the base text with careful consideration given to discrepancies with other authoritative manuscripts. Linguistic and Stylistic Features: The study highlighted the importance of diacritical marks in understanding the linguistic nuances of the text. The use of contemporary punctuation and orthography in the edited version aimed to enhance readability and accuracy. Comparative Analysis: The research included a comparative analysis of historical events in Al-Yamini with other Persian and Arabic texts, contributing to a broader understanding of the historical narrative. Deficiencies in Previous Editions: The article identified shortcomings in earlier editions, advocating for a revised edition that incorporated detailed footnotes and indices, which would support scholarly work in this area. Future Directions: The aim was to produce a definitive critical edition that not only corrected inaccuracies, but also enriched the text through comprehensive commentary and analysis of manuscript variations. In conclusion, the research underscored the importance of rigorous manuscript studies and critical editing in the preservation and understanding of historical texts like Al-Yamini. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The book Al-Yamīnī and its early Persian translation were fortunate to possess a wealth of surviving manuscripts. Specifically, there were 12 manuscripts of the Al-Yamīnī translation that dated back to before 800 AH. Notably, one of these—the manuscript held by the Turin Academy of Sciences dated 789 AH—was reportedly lost in a fire in 1904 CE and was no longer extant. Additionally, 9 manuscripts from the period of 800 to 1250 AH were available, 7 of which were independent and valuable. Furthermore, there were 23 manuscripts dating from 1251 to 1272 AH, 8 of which emerged after the lithographic printing of the text in 1272 AH. It is noteworthy that historical works, such as Jami' al-Tawarikh and Rawdhat al-Safa, had summarized and abstracted this translation in their sections on the Samanids and Ghaznavids. While numerous ancient versions of the Al-Yamīnī translation existed, the more recent versions (800-1200 AH) had not to be overlooked. Our examination revealed that manuscripts created after 1200 AH were generally copies of older manuscripts, the originals of which were still available. The manuscripts predating this year with the exceptions of the Arif Hikmat and Topkapi manuscripts were predominantly authentic though they might share connections or a common archetype with others. In authoritative manuscripts, such as those from the Shahid Ali Pasha, Central Library of Tehran University, and Nuruosmaniye collections, diacritical marks in Arabic verses and sentences had been correctly utilized. This served as a criterion for evaluating the authenticity of each manuscript included in this critical edition. The rationale for the critical re-editing of this text included the following points: Acquisition of the oldest extant manuscript dating back to 618 AH and its linguistic significance due to the scribe's use of diacritical marks Access to 10 manuscripts from before 750 AH that exhibited noticeable discrepancies when compared to earlier prints Adoption of a systematic methodology for the critical re-editing process Inclusion of detailed and precise variations in the footnotes, along with indices and appendices at the end of the book Addressing omissions in the Shoar edition by examining numerous available ancient manuscripts Utilizing approximately 30 ancient Al-Yamīnī manuscripts to edit the text, particularly regarding names and diacritical markings in the Arabic sections Incorporation of contemporary punctuation and orthography into the typography of the text Comparison of the historical events described in Al-Yamīnī with other Persian and Arabic historical texts, as well as contemporary historical research In conclusion, this critical re-editing aimed to enhance the understanding and accessibility of Al-Yamīnī, ensuring its historical significance was fully appreciated. Fortunately, ancient and authoritative manuscripts of both the Al-Yamīnī translation and its original Arabic text had survived, enabling a closer approximation to the original translated work. The focus of my dissertation was the critical edition of the Al-Yamīnī history translation. This edition would employ a scholarly and critical methodology, identifying more challenging and older readings of the text based on the most authentic manuscripts. The editing process would take into account stylistic, linguistic, and codicological evidence. We collected approximately 70 manuscripts, meticulously studying and examining each one while excluding mere copies or derivative versions from the critical editing process. The goal was to edit the text based on the Shahid Ali Pasha manuscript. Although this manuscript was not the definitive basis, it contained fewer inaccuracies compared to other versions. Differences among the other authoritative manuscripts (non-base texts) were noted in detail in the footnotes. In instances where the base manuscript presented an incorrect reading and superiority of one or more of the other 4 manuscripts was evident, those readings were integrated into the main text with the base manuscript's reading clearly indicated in the footnotes. When discrepancies arose among the main manuscripts, variations from the other 12 manuscripts (non-base texts) were cited to illustrate their relationships and the significance of each reading. This approach was feasible provided that the relevant sections were neither missing nor had been recently rewritten. It was anticipated that the quality of this manuscript established it as the final critical edition of the Al-Yamīnī translation. Abstract Al-Yamini authored by Abu al-Nasr Muhammad ibn Abd al-Jabbar Utbi (d. 427 AH), is a vital source for understanding the historical context of Ferdowsi's era, as well as the periods of the Samanids, Ziyarids, Buyids, and Ghaznavids. While the author sometimes indulges in excessive praise of Mahmud of Ghazni, historical significance and insightful content of the text are undeniable. The early Persian translation by Abu al-Sharaf Nasih ibn Zafar Jurfadeqani stands out as one of the finest examples of refined Persian prose, skillfully mirroring the style of Kalila wa Dimna. Just as the original Al-Yamini is recognized as a significant historical work, its translation can be regarded as a paragon of Persian literary excellence. Jurfadeqani also provides valuable historical insights into the later Saljuq period in Iraq within the introduction and conclusion of the book. Fortunately, a considerable number of manuscripts of Al-Yamini, along with its translations and commentaries, have survived, facilitating scholars in reconstructing the original text. This article offered an introduction and analysis of over 20 distinguished early manuscripts of Jurfadeqani's Persian translation of Yamini. It also assessed the shortcomings of previous editions and, through a comparison with more recent editions, advocated for the need for a revised version. Additionally, it highlighted the superior readings found in the newer edition compared to earlier ones. Keywords: Al-Yamini, Translation of Yamini, Translator, Nasih ibn Zafar, Manuscript. Introduction Al-Yamīnī, also referred to as Muʿjiz al-Kuttāb wa Muḥriz al-Ādāb, is a significant historical text in Arabic that provides extensive information on the history and geography of Iran. A substantial portion of this work is dedicated to the biographies of Mahmud Ghaznavi and his father, Sabuktigin. Since its composition, numerous insightful commentaries in Arabic have been produced over the centuries, further enriching the understanding of this important text. Materials & Methods The initial phase of the scholarly critical editing of the text—central to my Ph.D. dissertation—involved gathering information on manuscripts through extensive searches of domestic and international library catalogs and websites. Subsequently, I collected photographs of these manuscripts, identified various features, and categorized them according to their authenticity, value, and reliability. Approximately 70 manuscripts of the Al-Yamīnī translation were identified, with 10 dating back to before 750 AH. After a thorough examination and analysis of these manuscripts, those that were merely copies or derivative versions were excluded from the critical editing process. The Shahid Ali Pasha manuscript was selected as the base text for the critical edition; however, it contained occasional inaccuracies and thus could not be considered definitive. The differences between this manuscript and 4 other authoritative (non-base) manuscripts were detailed in the footnotes using specific symbols and abbreviations for clarity. Research Findings The research on Al-Yamini, particularly its Persian translation by Abu al-Sharaf Nasih ibn Zafar Jurfadeqani, revealed significant insights into historical texts and manuscript studies. The key findings were as follows: Historical Significance: Al-Yamini was crucial for understanding the history of the Samanids, Ziyarids, Buyids, and Ghaznavids and it provided an extensive biography of Mahmud Ghaznavi. Manuscript Availability: A wealth of manuscripts existed with approximately 70 identified, including 10 from before 750 AH. This included valuable manuscripts from the Saljuq period, which enhanced the historical context of the translation. Critical Editing Process: The research emphasized a systematic methodology for critical editing, involving the collection and analysis of various manuscripts. The Shahid Ali Pasha manuscript served as the base text with careful consideration given to discrepancies with other authoritative manuscripts. Linguistic and Stylistic Features: The study highlighted the importance of diacritical marks in understanding the linguistic nuances of the text. The use of contemporary punctuation and orthography in the edited version aimed to enhance readability and accuracy. Comparative Analysis: The research included a comparative analysis of historical events in Al-Yamini with other Persian and Arabic texts, contributing to a broader understanding of the historical narrative. Deficiencies in Previous Editions: The article identified shortcomings in earlier editions, advocating for a revised edition that incorporated detailed footnotes and indices, which would support scholarly work in this area. Future Directions: The aim was to produce a definitive critical edition that not only corrected inaccuracies, but also enriched the text through comprehensive commentary and analysis of manuscript variations. In conclusion, the research underscored the importance of rigorous manuscript studies and critical editing in the preservation and understanding of historical texts like Al-Yamini. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The book Al-Yamīnī and its early Persian translation were fortunate to possess a wealth of surviving manuscripts. Specifically, there were 12 manuscripts of the Al-Yamīnī translation that dated back to before 800 AH. Notably, one of these—the manuscript held by the Turin Academy of Sciences dated 789 AH—was reportedly lost in a fire in 1904 CE and was no longer extant. Additionally, 9 manuscripts from the period of 800 to 1250 AH were available, 7 of which were independent and valuable. Furthermore, there were 23 manuscripts dating from 1251 to 1272 AH, 8 of which emerged after the lithographic printing of the text in 1272 AH. It is noteworthy that historical works, such as Jami' al-Tawarikh and Rawdhat al-Safa, had summarized and abstracted this translation in their sections on the Samanids and Ghaznavids. While numerous ancient versions of the Al-Yamīnī translation existed, the more recent versions (800-1200 AH) had not to be overlooked. Our examination revealed that manuscripts created after 1200 AH were generally copies of older manuscripts, the originals of which were still available. The manuscripts predating this year with the exceptions of the Arif Hikmat and Topkapi manuscripts were predominantly authentic though they might share connections or a common archetype with others. In authoritative manuscripts, such as those from the Shahid Ali Pasha, Central Library of Tehran University, and Nuruosmaniye collections, diacritical marks in Arabic verses and sentences had been correctly utilized. This served as a criterion for evaluating the authenticity of each manuscript included in this critical edition. The rationale for the critical re-editing of this text included the following points: Acquisition of the oldest extant manuscript dating back to 618 AH and its linguistic significance due to the scribe's use of diacritical marks Access to 10 manuscripts from before 750 AH that exhibited noticeable discrepancies when compared to earlier prints Adoption of a systematic methodology for the critical re-editing process Inclusion of detailed and precise variations in the footnotes, along with indices and appendices at the end of the book Addressing omissions in the Shoar edition by examining numerous available ancient manuscripts Utilizing approximately 30 ancient Al-Yamīnī manuscripts to edit the text, particularly regarding names and diacritical markings in the Arabic sections Incorporation of contemporary punctuation and orthography into the typography of the text Comparison of the historical events described in Al-Yamīnī with other Persian and Arabic historical texts, as well as contemporary historical research In conclusion, this critical re-editing aimed to enhance the understanding and accessibility of Al-Yamīnī, ensuring its historical significance was fully appreciated. Fortunately, ancient and authoritative manuscripts of both the Al-Yamīnī translation and its original Arabic text had survived, enabling a closer approximation to the original translated work. The focus of my dissertation was the critical edition of the Al-Yamīnī history translation. This edition would employ a scholarly and critical methodology, identifying more challenging and older readings of the text based on the most authentic manuscripts. The editing process would take into account stylistic, linguistic, and codicological evidence. We collected approximately 70 manuscripts, meticulously studying and examining each one while excluding mere copies or derivative versions from the critical editing process. The goal was to edit the text based on the Shahid Ali Pasha manuscript. Although this manuscript was not the definitive basis, it contained fewer inaccuracies compared to other versions. Differences among the other authoritative manuscripts (non-base texts) were noted in detail in the footnotes. In instances where the base manuscript presented an incorrect reading and superiority of one or more of the other 4 manuscripts was evident, those readings were integrated into the main text with the base manuscript's reading clearly indicated in the footnotes. When discrepancies arose among the main manuscripts, variations from the other 12 manuscripts (non-base texts) were cited to illustrate their relationships and the significance of each reading. This approach was feasible provided that the relevant sections were neither missing nor had been recently rewritten. It was anticipated that the quality of this manuscript established it as the final critical edition of the Al-Yamīnī translation.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29176_7a2b93ac8a49751019a9d43959f485cf.pdf

University of Isfahan Textual Criticism of Persian Literature 2476-3268 17 2 2025 06 22 Introducing and Correcting Fourteen New Poems by Ayazi Sarakhsi and Analyzing his Status in Ghazal Writing Introducing and Correcting Fourteen New Poems by Ayazi Sarakhsi and Analyzing his Status in Ghazal Writing 21 40 29280 10.22108/rpll.2025.143676.2405 FA Mohammad Moradi Associate professor in Persian Language and Literature, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran Sedigheh Mohammadi Hosein Abadi M.A. in International Law, Research Expert, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran Journal Article 2024 12 28 Abstract Ayazi Sarakhsi is an obscure poet from the 5th century A.H. Despite his poetic talent, he has received limited scholarly attention and his scattered works have often been overlooked by researchers. In Poets without Divan, Modabberi has compiled 42 verses attributed to Ayazi from various, predominantly later, sources. Additionally, other studies have introduced new poems bearing his name. However, among the identified works, only a few originate from manuscripts predating the 7th century A.H. This research examined Manuscript No. 64 from the library of Mohammad Aref in Turkey dated 687-688 A.H. It introduced 14 new ghazals and 17 scattered verses, totaling 145 verses by this poet. The study employed content analysis to highlight certain characteristics of his sonnets. The findings indicated that Ayazi Sarakhsi was a significant figure in the development of ghazal poetry during the 5th century, with his imagery playing a pivotal role in its evolution. He was also influenced by the works of Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori, contributing to the elevated status of ghazal during this period. Based on available information, it appeared that Ayazi was born in the early 5th century, with evidence of his life extending into the early fourth quarter of that century. Keywords: Ayazi Sarakhsi, Ayazi Family, 64th Manuscript of Mohammad Aref, Ghazal, New Verses. Introduction Ayazi Sarakhsi is one of the lesser-known poets in ancient Persian literature, belonging to the 5th century A.H. His verses are scattered throughout various books of Tazkereh (biographies of notable figures) and Jong (collections of miscellaneous poems). While some earlier research and literary history texts have acknowledged him, his work remains underexplored. This article aimed to introduce several new verses by Ayazi that had not been recorded in previous studies, as well as to highlight the significance of Ayazi's family within Persian poetry. Additionally, it analyzed certain characteristics of his poems and sonnets. In this research, Ayazi Sarakhsi's new verses had been corrected and presented based on Manuscript No. 64 from the library of Mohammad Aref in Türkiye, along with information sourced from various Jongs and Tazkerehs. The revised version of Ayazi's poems drew from Makarem al-Akhlaq men Qabl al-Tasavvof by Razi al-Din Abu Ja'far Muhammad Neishaburi, which was previously referenced in Mojtaba Mojarrad's detailed study of Hakim Tartari's poems. Materials & Methods This study employed a combination of manuscript analysis and content analysis to explore the poetic contributions of Ayazi Sarakhsi, specifically focusing on the newly identified verses and their characteristics. The primary source for this research was Manuscript No. 64 from the library of Mohammad Aref in Turkey dated 687-688 A.H., which served as the basis for introducing 14 new ghazals and 17 scattered verses attributed to Ayazi Sarakhsi. The manuscript was meticulously examined to extract previously undocumented verses, enabling the identification of a total of 145 verses by Ayazi. This involved a comparative analysis with existing compilations, particularly Modabberi’s Poets without Divan and other relevant Tazkerehs and Jongs. The study also referenced Makarem al-Akhlaq men Qabl al-Tasavvof by Razi al-Din Abu Ja'far Muhammad Neishaburi to cross-verify the authenticity and context of the verses. A qualitative content analysis was conducted to assess the thematic and stylistic features of Ayazi’s poetry. This analysis focused on the imagery, structural elements, and influences from contemporaneous poets, including Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori. The research aimed to delineate Ayazi’s role in the evolution of ghazal poetry during the 5th century A.H., emphasizing his contributions to the genre's development. The findings were systematically compiled to provide a comprehensive overview of Ayazi’s poetic legacy. This included not only the newly introduced verses but also a contextual analysis of his connections with the Seljuk court and his literary contemporaries. The data were organized to facilitate a clear understanding of Ayazi's influence and significance within the historical framework of Persian poetry. In summary, the methodology combined rigorous manuscript analysis with thematic content evaluation to shed light on Ayazi Sarakhsi's contributions to Persian literature and his status in the realm of ghazal writing. Research Findings The research presented significant findings regarding Ayazi Sarakhsi, a lesser-known poet of the 5th century A.H. Notably, the study identified and corrected 144 new verses attributed to Ayazi Sarakhsi, bringing the total number of his known verses to nearly 200. This collection included 14 ghazals, odes, and various descriptive verses that reflected his connections to the Seljuk court and his influences from renowned poets, such as Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori. The investigation highlighted the role of the 64th manuscript from Mohammad Aref Library in Türkiye, which contained previously unidentified works of Ayazi, including 14 new pieces and 127 verses. Additional verses attributed to Ayazi were discovered in various Jongs and Tazkerehs, further expanding the understanding of his contributions to Persian poetry. Furthermore, the analysis suggested that Ayazi served as a crucial link between the descriptive and earthy romantic sonnets of his era, bridging the works of Farrokhi and Anvari. The findings also indicated that Ayazi was likely born in the early 5th century and later became a prominent figure in the courts of notable rulers, including Masoud Ghaznavi and Toghrol. His literary contemporaries, such as Moezzi and Bakherzi, further affirmed his significance in the poetic landscape of the time. Overall, these findings underscored Ayazi Sarakhsi's influential role in the evolution of ghazal poetry during the 5th century, shedding light on his artistry and the historical context of his works. Discussion of Results and Conclusion: Ayazi's New Poems This research introduced various poems by Ayazi that had been documented in previous studies and manuscripts, most notably in Poets without Divan by Modabberi. However, additional manuscripts, Tazkerehs, and Jongs had been identified that contained previously unrecognized verses by Ayazi. For instance, the 64th manuscript from Aref Mohammad Library in Türkiye included 14 pieces and 127 verses that had not been found in any other sources. Beyond the aforementioned manuscript, other verses attributed to Ayazi could be found in several Jongs and Tazkerehs not included in Modabberi's compilation. Noteworthy examples included verses from an 11th-century Jong and Tazkerehs, such as Arafat al-Asheqin and Safine-ye Elahi, primarily attributed to Abulfath Ayazi. Additionally, Jong 2446 from Tehran University, dating from around the 11th century, recorded some of Ayazi's poems. In Arafat al-Asheqin, 56 verses by Abulfath Naser-addin Abdulrahim Sarakhsi, known as Ayazi, were noted, with 39 of these also appearing in Majame al-Fosaha and subsequently in Poets without Divan. The most significant findings of this research were the identification and correction of 144 new verses attributed to Ayazi Sarakhsi, bringing the total number of verses in his divan to nearly 200. This collection included 14 ghazals, odes, lyrics, and several scattered descriptive verses, all of which reflected his connections to the Seljuk court and his influences from Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori. These poems suggested that Ayazi served as a crucial link between descriptive and earthy romantic sonnets, bridging the works of Farrokhi and Anvari. It appeared that Ayazi was born in the early 5th century and later gained prominence in the court of Masoud Ghaznavi, where he held a notable position as a poet and reciter for Toghrol, Al-e Arsalan, Malik-Shah, and Taghan-Shah. His associations with contemporaries, such as Moezzi and Bakherzi, affirmed that he had lived until approximately 470 A.H. However, claims found in some versions of Awfi's Labab al-Albab, suggesting that Ayazi was a companion of Nizami Arouzi, did not appear to be substantiated. Abstract Ayazi Sarakhsi is an obscure poet from the 5th century A.H. Despite his poetic talent, he has received limited scholarly attention and his scattered works have often been overlooked by researchers. In Poets without Divan, Modabberi has compiled 42 verses attributed to Ayazi from various, predominantly later, sources. Additionally, other studies have introduced new poems bearing his name. However, among the identified works, only a few originate from manuscripts predating the 7th century A.H. This research examined Manuscript No. 64 from the library of Mohammad Aref in Turkey dated 687-688 A.H. It introduced 14 new ghazals and 17 scattered verses, totaling 145 verses by this poet. The study employed content analysis to highlight certain characteristics of his sonnets. The findings indicated that Ayazi Sarakhsi was a significant figure in the development of ghazal poetry during the 5th century, with his imagery playing a pivotal role in its evolution. He was also influenced by the works of Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori, contributing to the elevated status of ghazal during this period. Based on available information, it appeared that Ayazi was born in the early 5th century, with evidence of his life extending into the early fourth quarter of that century. Keywords: Ayazi Sarakhsi, Ayazi Family, 64th Manuscript of Mohammad Aref, Ghazal, New Verses. Introduction Ayazi Sarakhsi is one of the lesser-known poets in ancient Persian literature, belonging to the 5th century A.H. His verses are scattered throughout various books of Tazkereh (biographies of notable figures) and Jong (collections of miscellaneous poems). While some earlier research and literary history texts have acknowledged him, his work remains underexplored. This article aimed to introduce several new verses by Ayazi that had not been recorded in previous studies, as well as to highlight the significance of Ayazi's family within Persian poetry. Additionally, it analyzed certain characteristics of his poems and sonnets. In this research, Ayazi Sarakhsi's new verses had been corrected and presented based on Manuscript No. 64 from the library of Mohammad Aref in Türkiye, along with information sourced from various Jongs and Tazkerehs. The revised version of Ayazi's poems drew from Makarem al-Akhlaq men Qabl al-Tasavvof by Razi al-Din Abu Ja'far Muhammad Neishaburi, which was previously referenced in Mojtaba Mojarrad's detailed study of Hakim Tartari's poems. Materials & Methods This study employed a combination of manuscript analysis and content analysis to explore the poetic contributions of Ayazi Sarakhsi, specifically focusing on the newly identified verses and their characteristics. The primary source for this research was Manuscript No. 64 from the library of Mohammad Aref in Turkey dated 687-688 A.H., which served as the basis for introducing 14 new ghazals and 17 scattered verses attributed to Ayazi Sarakhsi. The manuscript was meticulously examined to extract previously undocumented verses, enabling the identification of a total of 145 verses by Ayazi. This involved a comparative analysis with existing compilations, particularly Modabberi’s Poets without Divan and other relevant Tazkerehs and Jongs. The study also referenced Makarem al-Akhlaq men Qabl al-Tasavvof by Razi al-Din Abu Ja'far Muhammad Neishaburi to cross-verify the authenticity and context of the verses. A qualitative content analysis was conducted to assess the thematic and stylistic features of Ayazi’s poetry. This analysis focused on the imagery, structural elements, and influences from contemporaneous poets, including Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori. The research aimed to delineate Ayazi’s role in the evolution of ghazal poetry during the 5th century A.H., emphasizing his contributions to the genre's development. The findings were systematically compiled to provide a comprehensive overview of Ayazi’s poetic legacy. This included not only the newly introduced verses but also a contextual analysis of his connections with the Seljuk court and his literary contemporaries. The data were organized to facilitate a clear understanding of Ayazi's influence and significance within the historical framework of Persian poetry. In summary, the methodology combined rigorous manuscript analysis with thematic content evaluation to shed light on Ayazi Sarakhsi's contributions to Persian literature and his status in the realm of ghazal writing. Research Findings The research presented significant findings regarding Ayazi Sarakhsi, a lesser-known poet of the 5th century A.H. Notably, the study identified and corrected 144 new verses attributed to Ayazi Sarakhsi, bringing the total number of his known verses to nearly 200. This collection included 14 ghazals, odes, and various descriptive verses that reflected his connections to the Seljuk court and his influences from renowned poets, such as Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori. The investigation highlighted the role of the 64th manuscript from Mohammad Aref Library in Türkiye, which contained previously unidentified works of Ayazi, including 14 new pieces and 127 verses. Additional verses attributed to Ayazi were discovered in various Jongs and Tazkerehs, further expanding the understanding of his contributions to Persian poetry. Furthermore, the analysis suggested that Ayazi served as a crucial link between the descriptive and earthy romantic sonnets of his era, bridging the works of Farrokhi and Anvari. The findings also indicated that Ayazi was likely born in the early 5th century and later became a prominent figure in the courts of notable rulers, including Masoud Ghaznavi and Toghrol. His literary contemporaries, such as Moezzi and Bakherzi, further affirmed his significance in the poetic landscape of the time. Overall, these findings underscored Ayazi Sarakhsi's influential role in the evolution of ghazal poetry during the 5th century, shedding light on his artistry and the historical context of his works. Discussion of Results and Conclusion: Ayazi's New Poems This research introduced various poems by Ayazi that had been documented in previous studies and manuscripts, most notably in Poets without Divan by Modabberi. However, additional manuscripts, Tazkerehs, and Jongs had been identified that contained previously unrecognized verses by Ayazi. For instance, the 64th manuscript from Aref Mohammad Library in Türkiye included 14 pieces and 127 verses that had not been found in any other sources. Beyond the aforementioned manuscript, other verses attributed to Ayazi could be found in several Jongs and Tazkerehs not included in Modabberi's compilation. Noteworthy examples included verses from an 11th-century Jong and Tazkerehs, such as Arafat al-Asheqin and Safine-ye Elahi, primarily attributed to Abulfath Ayazi. Additionally, Jong 2446 from Tehran University, dating from around the 11th century, recorded some of Ayazi's poems. In Arafat al-Asheqin, 56 verses by Abulfath Naser-addin Abdulrahim Sarakhsi, known as Ayazi, were noted, with 39 of these also appearing in Majame al-Fosaha and subsequently in Poets without Divan. The most significant findings of this research were the identification and correction of 144 new verses attributed to Ayazi Sarakhsi, bringing the total number of verses in his divan to nearly 200. This collection included 14 ghazals, odes, lyrics, and several scattered descriptive verses, all of which reflected his connections to the Seljuk court and his influences from Roudaki, Farrokhi, and Onsori. These poems suggested that Ayazi served as a crucial link between descriptive and earthy romantic sonnets, bridging the works of Farrokhi and Anvari. It appeared that Ayazi was born in the early 5th century and later gained prominence in the court of Masoud Ghaznavi, where he held a notable position as a poet and reciter for Toghrol, Al-e Arsalan, Malik-Shah, and Taghan-Shah. His associations with contemporaries, such as Moezzi and Bakherzi, affirmed that he had lived until approximately 470 A.H. However, claims found in some versions of Awfi's Labab al-Albab, suggesting that Ayazi was a companion of Nizami Arouzi, did not appear to be substantiated.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29280_17923c5b2bd1e1ec9615a4ac72fefcf8.pdf

University of Isfahan Textual Criticism of Persian Literature 2476-3268 17 2 2025 06 22 An Inquiry into the Conceptualization of Beauty and Ugliness in Golestan Saadi Based on the Stance Theory: A Cognitive-Semantic Approach An Inquiry into the Conceptualization of Beauty and Ugliness in Golestan Saadi Based on the Stance Theory: A Cognitive-Semantic Approach 41 58 29399 10.22108/rpll.2025.144082.2421 FA Fateme Farzikakesh M.A. student of Persian Language and Literature, Payam-e Noor University, Tehran, Iran Mahmood Naghizadeh Assistant professor of Linguistics, Department of Linguistics, Payam-e Noor University, Tehran, Iran Elkhas Veysi Associate professor of Linguistics, Department of Linguistics, Payam-e Noor University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2025 01 19 Abstract The experience of beauty is a complex perceptual phenomenon that relies on interactional, socio-cultural, and performative aspects of language structured through linguistic expressions. This study employed thematic analysis to explore how beauty and ugliness were conceptualized in Saadi's Golestan within the framework of Cognitive Semantics, utilizing Du Bois' (2007) theory of stance. Data were collected by analyzing Golestan and identifying relevant expressions and then assessed through 4 strategies: subjectivity and intersubjectivity, conceptual metaphor and imagery, socio-cultural factors, and sensory perception. The findings revealed that many expressions representing beauty (e.g., Mahpareh, Abed Farib, Malaek Soorat) and ugliness (e.g., Karih Manzar, Sakhr al-Jen, Qorab) reflected the dialogic syntax and the religious, literary, and socio-cultural discourses of Saadi's time. Additionally, Saadi employed beauty and ugliness expressions for stance-taking, allowing him to position and evaluate the world both objectively and subjectively. Furthermore, beauty was described through cognitive, emotional, and evaluative expressions rooted in the poet's experiential and emotional content (intersubjectivity). Finally, a significant proportion of beauty and ugliness expressions were perceived through various sensory modalities, including vision (e.g., Sabz, Zard, Siah), olfaction (e.g., Mordar be Aftab-e Mordad), gustatory (e.g., Shirin, Torshrooy, Talkh), and auditory (e.g., Halghon Tayeb al-Ada). These perceptions were facilitated by cognitive mechanisms, such as conceptual metaphor, metonymy, blended space, hyperbole, and humor. Keywords: Cognitive Semantics, Stance Theory, Conceptualization, Beauty and Ugliness, Golestan Saadi. Introduction Beauty has long been a central theme in literature, poetry, criticism, music, and scholarly inquiry, reflecting humanity's innate curiosity and desire to understand, contemplate, and create aesthetic experiences (Minaya Gomez, 2021). While some researchers consider aesthetic criteria to be universal (Cunningham et al., 1995; Dutton, 2008), others emphasize the influence of linguistic and cultural factors on the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness (Majid & Levinson, 2011; Strauss, 2005). From a cognitive perspective, appreciation of beauty arises from a dynamic interplay between cognition, embodiment, and socio-cultural components (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Despite its significance in literature, the role of language in conceptualizing beauty has not been thoroughly explored (Minaya Gomez, 2021). This research aimed to examine the interplay between language and beauty, highlighting its cognitive and linguistic dimensions. Following Minaya Gomez (2019), this article analyzed the concept of beauty in Saadi's Golestan through the lenses of perception, cognition, and emotion. In addition to investigating cognitive concepts within the social interactions of language, this paper sought to uncover how speakers negotiated meanings during the evaluation of objects and the process of stance-taking. To achieve these objectives, we utilized Du Bois' stance theory. According to Du Bois (2007), during stance-taking, speakers evaluate objects, position themselves in relation to others, and ultimately align with listeners. In this process, several cognitive mechanisms, such as intersubjectivity, subjectivity, and embodiment, were employed to conceptualize beauty and ugliness in Saadi's Golestan. This study aimed to answer the following questions: How do intersubjectivity and embodiment influence the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness in Golestan? What literary and cognitive devices are used to conceptualize beauty and ugliness in Golestan? What roles do linguistic and socio-cultural components play in the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness in Golestan? Which perceptual senses are used, and in what ways, to conceptualize beauty and ugliness in Golestan? Materials & Methods This study utilized a thematic analysis method, a qualitative approach focused on identifying, analyzing, and interpreting patterns in textual data (Neuendorf, 2019, p. 212). Consequently, reporting the frequency of each theme was not a primary objective of this research. Data were collected through an analysis of Golestan, specifically by extracting words, phrases, and poems that conveyed concepts of beauty and ugliness. The selection of data was based on the presence of terms signifying beauty and ugliness in 6 narratives from the first, second, and fifth chapters. Research Findings The findings of this study revealed that expressions of beauty and ugliness in Saadi's Golestan were deeply intertwined with the socio-cultural and linguistic context of Saadi's time. Key insights included: Expressions of Beauty and Ugliness: The analysis identified numerous expressions representing beauty (e.g., Mahpareh, Abed Farib, Malaek Soorat) and ugliness (e.g., Karih Manzar, Sakhr al-Jen, Qorab). These expressions exhibited a dialogic syntax and reflected the religious and literary discourses prevalent during Saadi's era. Stance-Taking: Saadi employed beauty-ugliness expressions to articulate both objective and subjective evaluations of the world, effectively using these linguistic tools for stance-taking. Cognitive and Emotional Framework: The descriptions of beauty incorporated cognitive, emotional, and evaluative dimensions, emphasizing the intersubjective experiences of the poet. Sensory Modalities: A significant proportion of beauty and ugliness expressions were perceived through various sensory modalities—visual (e.g., Sabz, Zard, Siah), olfactory (e.g., Mordar be Aftab-e Mordad), gustatory (e.g., Shirin, Torshrooy, Talkh), and auditory (e.g., Halghon Tayeb al-Ada). This sensory engagement was facilitated through cognitive mechanisms, such as conceptual metaphor, metonymy, blended space, hyperbole, and humor. Overall, the study underscored the complexity of linguistic expressions in shaping the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness, highlighting the interplay between language, cognition, and socio-cultural factors. Discussion of Results & Conclusion In this study, we applied Du Bois' (2007) theory of stance to analyze a literary work. The results indicated that Saadi employed intersubjectivity and embodiment to convey the worldview and societal perspectives of his era. By referencing religious discourse, Saadi used expressions, such as Malaek Sorat (angel-faced) and Halgh-e Davoodi (David's throat) to conceptualize beauty in terms of a lovely face and a pleasing voice. In this context, he utilized dialogic syntax to position himself and express his emotional stance, whether of love or hatred. In Golestan, Saadi employed various cognitive mechanisms to conceptualize beauty and ugliness, including cognitive metaphor and metonymy, blended space, simile, hyperbole, imagery, and humor. Regarding sensory perception in the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness, it is noteworthy that most expressions were derived from the visual domain. However, there were also expressions related to gustatory, olfactory, tactile, and auditory experiences. This study built on previous research in the socio-cognitive domain, emphasizing language use as a social act and viewing linguistic expressions as tools for the cognitive, evaluative, and affective description of the surrounding world. The findings highlighted concepts, such as intersubjectivity and stance-taking, underscoring the social and communicative aspects of language. Consequently, this study contrasted sharply with traditional approaches that regarded metaphor merely as a literary device and early cognitive approaches that considered metaphor solely as a mental mapping between source and target domains. Abstract The experience of beauty is a complex perceptual phenomenon that relies on interactional, socio-cultural, and performative aspects of language structured through linguistic expressions. This study employed thematic analysis to explore how beauty and ugliness were conceptualized in Saadi's Golestan within the framework of Cognitive Semantics, utilizing Du Bois' (2007) theory of stance. Data were collected by analyzing Golestan and identifying relevant expressions and then assessed through 4 strategies: subjectivity and intersubjectivity, conceptual metaphor and imagery, socio-cultural factors, and sensory perception. The findings revealed that many expressions representing beauty (e.g., Mahpareh, Abed Farib, Malaek Soorat) and ugliness (e.g., Karih Manzar, Sakhr al-Jen, Qorab) reflected the dialogic syntax and the religious, literary, and socio-cultural discourses of Saadi's time. Additionally, Saadi employed beauty and ugliness expressions for stance-taking, allowing him to position and evaluate the world both objectively and subjectively. Furthermore, beauty was described through cognitive, emotional, and evaluative expressions rooted in the poet's experiential and emotional content (intersubjectivity). Finally, a significant proportion of beauty and ugliness expressions were perceived through various sensory modalities, including vision (e.g., Sabz, Zard, Siah), olfaction (e.g., Mordar be Aftab-e Mordad), gustatory (e.g., Shirin, Torshrooy, Talkh), and auditory (e.g., Halghon Tayeb al-Ada). These perceptions were facilitated by cognitive mechanisms, such as conceptual metaphor, metonymy, blended space, hyperbole, and humor. Keywords: Cognitive Semantics, Stance Theory, Conceptualization, Beauty and Ugliness, Golestan Saadi. Introduction Beauty has long been a central theme in literature, poetry, criticism, music, and scholarly inquiry, reflecting humanity's innate curiosity and desire to understand, contemplate, and create aesthetic experiences (Minaya Gomez, 2021). While some researchers consider aesthetic criteria to be universal (Cunningham et al., 1995; Dutton, 2008), others emphasize the influence of linguistic and cultural factors on the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness (Majid & Levinson, 2011; Strauss, 2005). From a cognitive perspective, appreciation of beauty arises from a dynamic interplay between cognition, embodiment, and socio-cultural components (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Despite its significance in literature, the role of language in conceptualizing beauty has not been thoroughly explored (Minaya Gomez, 2021). This research aimed to examine the interplay between language and beauty, highlighting its cognitive and linguistic dimensions. Following Minaya Gomez (2019), this article analyzed the concept of beauty in Saadi's Golestan through the lenses of perception, cognition, and emotion. In addition to investigating cognitive concepts within the social interactions of language, this paper sought to uncover how speakers negotiated meanings during the evaluation of objects and the process of stance-taking. To achieve these objectives, we utilized Du Bois' stance theory. According to Du Bois (2007), during stance-taking, speakers evaluate objects, position themselves in relation to others, and ultimately align with listeners. In this process, several cognitive mechanisms, such as intersubjectivity, subjectivity, and embodiment, were employed to conceptualize beauty and ugliness in Saadi's Golestan. This study aimed to answer the following questions: How do intersubjectivity and embodiment influence the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness in Golestan? What literary and cognitive devices are used to conceptualize beauty and ugliness in Golestan? What roles do linguistic and socio-cultural components play in the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness in Golestan? Which perceptual senses are used, and in what ways, to conceptualize beauty and ugliness in Golestan? Materials & Methods This study utilized a thematic analysis method, a qualitative approach focused on identifying, analyzing, and interpreting patterns in textual data (Neuendorf, 2019, p. 212). Consequently, reporting the frequency of each theme was not a primary objective of this research. Data were collected through an analysis of Golestan, specifically by extracting words, phrases, and poems that conveyed concepts of beauty and ugliness. The selection of data was based on the presence of terms signifying beauty and ugliness in 6 narratives from the first, second, and fifth chapters. Research Findings The findings of this study revealed that expressions of beauty and ugliness in Saadi's Golestan were deeply intertwined with the socio-cultural and linguistic context of Saadi's time. Key insights included: Expressions of Beauty and Ugliness: The analysis identified numerous expressions representing beauty (e.g., Mahpareh, Abed Farib, Malaek Soorat) and ugliness (e.g., Karih Manzar, Sakhr al-Jen, Qorab). These expressions exhibited a dialogic syntax and reflected the religious and literary discourses prevalent during Saadi's era. Stance-Taking: Saadi employed beauty-ugliness expressions to articulate both objective and subjective evaluations of the world, effectively using these linguistic tools for stance-taking. Cognitive and Emotional Framework: The descriptions of beauty incorporated cognitive, emotional, and evaluative dimensions, emphasizing the intersubjective experiences of the poet. Sensory Modalities: A significant proportion of beauty and ugliness expressions were perceived through various sensory modalities—visual (e.g., Sabz, Zard, Siah), olfactory (e.g., Mordar be Aftab-e Mordad), gustatory (e.g., Shirin, Torshrooy, Talkh), and auditory (e.g., Halghon Tayeb al-Ada). This sensory engagement was facilitated through cognitive mechanisms, such as conceptual metaphor, metonymy, blended space, hyperbole, and humor. Overall, the study underscored the complexity of linguistic expressions in shaping the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness, highlighting the interplay between language, cognition, and socio-cultural factors. Discussion of Results & Conclusion In this study, we applied Du Bois' (2007) theory of stance to analyze a literary work. The results indicated that Saadi employed intersubjectivity and embodiment to convey the worldview and societal perspectives of his era. By referencing religious discourse, Saadi used expressions, such as Malaek Sorat (angel-faced) and Halgh-e Davoodi (David's throat) to conceptualize beauty in terms of a lovely face and a pleasing voice. In this context, he utilized dialogic syntax to position himself and express his emotional stance, whether of love or hatred. In Golestan, Saadi employed various cognitive mechanisms to conceptualize beauty and ugliness, including cognitive metaphor and metonymy, blended space, simile, hyperbole, imagery, and humor. Regarding sensory perception in the conceptualization of beauty and ugliness, it is noteworthy that most expressions were derived from the visual domain. However, there were also expressions related to gustatory, olfactory, tactile, and auditory experiences. This study built on previous research in the socio-cognitive domain, emphasizing language use as a social act and viewing linguistic expressions as tools for the cognitive, evaluative, and affective description of the surrounding world. The findings highlighted concepts, such as intersubjectivity and stance-taking, underscoring the social and communicative aspects of language. Consequently, this study contrasted sharply with traditional approaches that regarded metaphor merely as a literary device and early cognitive approaches that considered metaphor solely as a mental mapping between source and target domains.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29399_c47c7305bddca2ab0b77b65138d250a5.pdf

University of Isfahan Textual Criticism of Persian Literature 2476-3268 17 2 2025 06 22 The Semiotics of Sufiya's Table: An Analysis of Key Didactic Texts in Sufism from the 4th to 8th Centuries The Semiotics of Sufiya's Table: An Analysis of Key Didactic Texts in Sufism from the 4th to 8th Centuries 59 76 29321 10.22108/rpll.2025.143453.2398 FA Ziba Parishani Assistant professor, Department of Persian Language and Literature, Payam-e Noor University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2024 11 20 Abstract From the perspective of semiotics, every literary text and aspect of human culture functions as a system of signs, conveying meanings that extend beyond their literal interpretations. In this context, Sufia’s table—along with the type, shape, and size of the food—embodies a multitude of signs. Given that fasting and avoidance of gluttony are foundational principles of Sufism, all forms of food and drink possess a semiotic value. Thus, the semiotics of the food on their table serves as a gateway to understanding the world of Sufism. This research demonstrated that, despite the central importance of fasting in Sufism, the didactic genre, in particular, offered a rich exploration of various types of food more so than other genres. This richness could be attributed to Sufia’s pragmatism and focused on the daily lives of people. Moreover, the arrangement of foods on the Sufi table followed a hierarchical structure that was the exact inverse of conventional value hierarchies, allowing these foods to transcend mere sustenance and acquire spiritual significance. It was essential to examine this aspect, as food and drink were valued according to their ingredients, with taste also playing a critical role in this hierarchy. The equivalence of "food", "spirituality", and "social position" provided researchers with a framework to assess social values and elucidated many proverbs related to food. This article aimed to illuminate the spiritual dimensions of Sufism through this lens. Keywords: Sufism, Semiotics, Food, Sufia’s Table. Introduction According to semiotic theory, we inhabit a world of signs—encompassing signposts, photographs, notices, and literature. Each literary genre establishes its own semiotic framework so that upon entering a textual semiotic system, every phenomenon adopts the specific "signification", "approach", and "meaning" inherent to that system. Food is no exception to this process. Once introduced into a literary text, food cannot maintain its individual meaning outside the context of the genre in which it appears. For instance, in the epic literary genre, food carries connotations of glory and ceremony, while in lyrical works, food and the dining table take on imaginative and fantastical qualities. In Sufi literature, which is a prominent subset of didactic literature, food is arranged within a hierarchical system, each item possessing its own distinct meanings and significance. Within this spectrum, foods are categorized from excellent to ordinary determined by their ingredients, availability in the local climate, and their nutritional value. A diverse array of foods can be classified using various codes, including softness, dryness, greasiness, taste, cost, and abundance or scarcity. Each food item not only represents its tangible existence, but also serves as a signifier of deeper spiritual, social, religious, and conceptual values that extend beyond the food itself. Material & Methods This research employed a descriptive-analytical approach and archival study methodology to investigate the dining table in Sufia's didactic works. The methodology consisted of the following steps: Examination of Didactic Treatises and Textbooks: A thorough review of relevant didactic literature Extraction of Food and Drink Types: Identifying various types of food and drink along with their frequency of occurrence Semiotic Analysis of Food: Analyzing different types of food through the lens of semiotic theory Hierarchical and Value Analysis: Evaluating Sufia’s table hierarchically based on codes related to taste, softness and dryness, cost, and concentration versus dilution. Interpretation of Spiritual Codes: Interpreting the spiritual significance and value of foods in relation to sociological, populist, and spiritual-ideological beliefs, particularly those rooted in monastic traditions. Research Findings Human Body as an Alchemy Workshop: In the Sufi ideological framework, humans were viewed as dual beings, with the body representing the animalistic aspect of existence that was intimately connected to the "spirit". Nurturing the body in this context could weaken the soul. The body was likened to an alchemical workshop composed of mortal, tangible materials, yet ultimately aimed at nurturing the soul, which was subtle and invisible. The organs within the human stomach functioned as alchemical tools—akin to aludel and alembic—that facilitated the education of the soul. Thus, controlling the type and source of food consumed in the material world became a means of accessing this alchemy of the soul. The Opposition between Satiety and Hunger: The hierarchical evaluation of food in Sufism stood in stark contrast to that of the material world. In Sufi semiotics, foods that were rarer, more energizing, tastier, and more expensive were considered less valuable, while simpler, cheaper foods held greater significance. Sufism posited that evaluation was based on hunger rather than satiety; the more pleasurable a food was to the body, the more detrimental it was deemed to the soul. In this view, hunger served to purify the inner self. Sufi treatises meticulously specified even the quantity of bread (measured in bites) and incorporated precise calculations regarding meal types and amounts. Softness and Dryness: The essence of the spiritual journey (Seyr-o Suluk) in Sufism involved overcoming pleasure and desire. Consequently, in Sufi food hierarchy, soft and rich foods were ranked at the bottom, while dry and austere foods occupied the top position. Simple, dry oaten bread was highly regarded as a primary sustenance. Luscious foods were viewed negatively, often associated with indulgence. From the Sufi perspective, the semiotics of soft and rich foods could even evoke sexual symbols. A Sufi aspirant on the path of Suluk was expected to consume dry and coarse foods to learn "Tariqa" (a spiritual path in Sufism). The Semiotics of Tastes: Beyond ingredients, taste played a crucial role in Sufi food philosophy. Sufi thought categorized tastes along a spectrum, where "sweetness" was considered the most pleasurable for the body, while "bitterness" occupied the opposite end with salty and sour tastes positioned between the two. In this inverted value hierarchy, sweetness was deemed base, whereas bitterness was seen as awakening the soul—a quality of great interest to Sufis. Salt, a staple on the table, enhanced camaraderie among those gathered and was often recommended during periods of seclusion. The sour taste symbolized by vinegar in Sufi symbology represented a "halal" limit, transitioning from forbidden wine to permissible vinegar. Consequently, vinegar was positioned in opposition to wine and combinations like bread and vinegar or bread and salt signified simplicity in Sufi cuisine. At the end of this spectrum lay the "sweet" taste, which was the most condemned and derided by Sufis. Diversity and Frequency: A Scaled Hierarchy From a semiotic perspective, the diversity of food on Sufia's table was also arranged in a hierarchical pyramid. This vertical structure was fundamentally opposed to conventional value systems; the simpler, more accessible, and less nutritious the food, the higher its status in the hierarchy. At the pinnacle of this pyramid was plain bread, symbolizing profound faith, devotion, and reliance. Conversely, at the base of the evaluation pyramid were roast meat and fatty kebabs, which symbolized gluttony, greed, worldliness, and undesirable traits. Discussion of Results & Conclusion At first glance, the Sufi emphasis on simplicity and moderation in food consumption might suggest that their doctrines overlooked the significance of food, cooking methods, and the variety of dishes. However, a closer examination of Sufi treatises, which formed a crucial part of didactic literature, revealed a rich and diverse culinary landscape. This richness stemmed from the fact that didactic texts were designed for a public audience and food was an essential element of daily life. By comparing the diversity of food and the attitudes toward it across three genres—epic, lyrical, and didactic literature—it became evident that Sufism allocated considerable attention to the spirituality associated with food. Additionally, the meticulous focus on ingredients and cooking methods in Sufi educational works highlighted their commitment to the finer details of daily life. Notably, the emphasis on the names and characteristics of various foods within these treatises could contribute to the historical understanding of Iranian cuisine and clarify its qualities for researchers in the field. Overall, this analysis underscored the importance of food in Sufi thought and its broader implications for understanding cultural and spiritual values. Abstract From the perspective of semiotics, every literary text and aspect of human culture functions as a system of signs, conveying meanings that extend beyond their literal interpretations. In this context, Sufia’s table—along with the type, shape, and size of the food—embodies a multitude of signs. Given that fasting and avoidance of gluttony are foundational principles of Sufism, all forms of food and drink possess a semiotic value. Thus, the semiotics of the food on their table serves as a gateway to understanding the world of Sufism. This research demonstrated that, despite the central importance of fasting in Sufism, the didactic genre, in particular, offered a rich exploration of various types of food more so than other genres. This richness could be attributed to Sufia’s pragmatism and focused on the daily lives of people. Moreover, the arrangement of foods on the Sufi table followed a hierarchical structure that was the exact inverse of conventional value hierarchies, allowing these foods to transcend mere sustenance and acquire spiritual significance. It was essential to examine this aspect, as food and drink were valued according to their ingredients, with taste also playing a critical role in this hierarchy. The equivalence of "food", "spirituality", and "social position" provided researchers with a framework to assess social values and elucidated many proverbs related to food. This article aimed to illuminate the spiritual dimensions of Sufism through this lens. Keywords: Sufism, Semiotics, Food, Sufia’s Table. Introduction According to semiotic theory, we inhabit a world of signs—encompassing signposts, photographs, notices, and literature. Each literary genre establishes its own semiotic framework so that upon entering a textual semiotic system, every phenomenon adopts the specific "signification", "approach", and "meaning" inherent to that system. Food is no exception to this process. Once introduced into a literary text, food cannot maintain its individual meaning outside the context of the genre in which it appears. For instance, in the epic literary genre, food carries connotations of glory and ceremony, while in lyrical works, food and the dining table take on imaginative and fantastical qualities. In Sufi literature, which is a prominent subset of didactic literature, food is arranged within a hierarchical system, each item possessing its own distinct meanings and significance. Within this spectrum, foods are categorized from excellent to ordinary determined by their ingredients, availability in the local climate, and their nutritional value. A diverse array of foods can be classified using various codes, including softness, dryness, greasiness, taste, cost, and abundance or scarcity. Each food item not only represents its tangible existence, but also serves as a signifier of deeper spiritual, social, religious, and conceptual values that extend beyond the food itself. Material & Methods This research employed a descriptive-analytical approach and archival study methodology to investigate the dining table in Sufia's didactic works. The methodology consisted of the following steps: Examination of Didactic Treatises and Textbooks: A thorough review of relevant didactic literature Extraction of Food and Drink Types: Identifying various types of food and drink along with their frequency of occurrence Semiotic Analysis of Food: Analyzing different types of food through the lens of semiotic theory Hierarchical and Value Analysis: Evaluating Sufia’s table hierarchically based on codes related to taste, softness and dryness, cost, and concentration versus dilution. Interpretation of Spiritual Codes: Interpreting the spiritual significance and value of foods in relation to sociological, populist, and spiritual-ideological beliefs, particularly those rooted in monastic traditions. Research Findings Human Body as an Alchemy Workshop: In the Sufi ideological framework, humans were viewed as dual beings, with the body representing the animalistic aspect of existence that was intimately connected to the "spirit". Nurturing the body in this context could weaken the soul. The body was likened to an alchemical workshop composed of mortal, tangible materials, yet ultimately aimed at nurturing the soul, which was subtle and invisible. The organs within the human stomach functioned as alchemical tools—akin to aludel and alembic—that facilitated the education of the soul. Thus, controlling the type and source of food consumed in the material world became a means of accessing this alchemy of the soul. The Opposition between Satiety and Hunger: The hierarchical evaluation of food in Sufism stood in stark contrast to that of the material world. In Sufi semiotics, foods that were rarer, more energizing, tastier, and more expensive were considered less valuable, while simpler, cheaper foods held greater significance. Sufism posited that evaluation was based on hunger rather than satiety; the more pleasurable a food was to the body, the more detrimental it was deemed to the soul. In this view, hunger served to purify the inner self. Sufi treatises meticulously specified even the quantity of bread (measured in bites) and incorporated precise calculations regarding meal types and amounts. Softness and Dryness: The essence of the spiritual journey (Seyr-o Suluk) in Sufism involved overcoming pleasure and desire. Consequently, in Sufi food hierarchy, soft and rich foods were ranked at the bottom, while dry and austere foods occupied the top position. Simple, dry oaten bread was highly regarded as a primary sustenance. Luscious foods were viewed negatively, often associated with indulgence. From the Sufi perspective, the semiotics of soft and rich foods could even evoke sexual symbols. A Sufi aspirant on the path of Suluk was expected to consume dry and coarse foods to learn "Tariqa" (a spiritual path in Sufism). The Semiotics of Tastes: Beyond ingredients, taste played a crucial role in Sufi food philosophy. Sufi thought categorized tastes along a spectrum, where "sweetness" was considered the most pleasurable for the body, while "bitterness" occupied the opposite end with salty and sour tastes positioned between the two. In this inverted value hierarchy, sweetness was deemed base, whereas bitterness was seen as awakening the soul—a quality of great interest to Sufis. Salt, a staple on the table, enhanced camaraderie among those gathered and was often recommended during periods of seclusion. The sour taste symbolized by vinegar in Sufi symbology represented a "halal" limit, transitioning from forbidden wine to permissible vinegar. Consequently, vinegar was positioned in opposition to wine and combinations like bread and vinegar or bread and salt signified simplicity in Sufi cuisine. At the end of this spectrum lay the "sweet" taste, which was the most condemned and derided by Sufis. Diversity and Frequency: A Scaled Hierarchy From a semiotic perspective, the diversity of food on Sufia's table was also arranged in a hierarchical pyramid. This vertical structure was fundamentally opposed to conventional value systems; the simpler, more accessible, and less nutritious the food, the higher its status in the hierarchy. At the pinnacle of this pyramid was plain bread, symbolizing profound faith, devotion, and reliance. Conversely, at the base of the evaluation pyramid were roast meat and fatty kebabs, which symbolized gluttony, greed, worldliness, and undesirable traits. Discussion of Results & Conclusion At first glance, the Sufi emphasis on simplicity and moderation in food consumption might suggest that their doctrines overlooked the significance of food, cooking methods, and the variety of dishes. However, a closer examination of Sufi treatises, which formed a crucial part of didactic literature, revealed a rich and diverse culinary landscape. This richness stemmed from the fact that didactic texts were designed for a public audience and food was an essential element of daily life. By comparing the diversity of food and the attitudes toward it across three genres—epic, lyrical, and didactic literature—it became evident that Sufism allocated considerable attention to the spirituality associated with food. Additionally, the meticulous focus on ingredients and cooking methods in Sufi educational works highlighted their commitment to the finer details of daily life. Notably, the emphasis on the names and characteristics of various foods within these treatises could contribute to the historical understanding of Iranian cuisine and clarify its qualities for researchers in the field. Overall, this analysis underscored the importance of food in Sufi thought and its broader implications for understanding cultural and spiritual values.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29321_0163ca4ab09ad563585d82e5f80262b5.pdf

University of Isfahan Textual Criticism of Persian Literature 2476-3268 17 2 2025 06 22 Evaluation of the Correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari Based on the Oldest Known Manuscript of the Book Evaluation of the Correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari Based on the Oldest Known Manuscript of the Book 77 96 29281 10.22108/rpll.2025.143580.2402 FA Abdolrasool Forootan Assistant professor, Department of Literary Studies, Humanities Research and Development Institute, SAMT Organization, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2024 12 02 Abstract Akhlaq-e Naseri is one of the most significant Persian ethical texts. Written by Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi in 633 AH, the book underwent slight revisions in the following decades. It gained widespread recognition during the author’s lifetime and has influenced numerous ethical works over the centuries. The text has been reprinted many times, especially in India. The most authoritative correction was conducted by Mojtaba Minovi and Alireza Heydari, who utilized five manuscripts from the seventh century AH for their work. In recent years, additional manuscripts of Akhlaq-e Naseri have come to light, the most notable being one dated 656 AH, which is housed in the Central Library and Documentation Center of Shiraz University. This manuscript predates all those used by the correctors and has been examined in detail for the first time in this study. Among its significant features are the presence of older vocabulary compared to the Minovi and Heydari correction, distinctive calligraphy, and diacritical marks for certain words. Through a thorough and comprehensive comparison of the text of Akhlaq-e Naseri as corrected by Minovi and Heydari with this manuscript, several noteworthy insights have emerged. Additionally, based on other sources, it has become evident that the corrected text and the accompanying explanations and glossaries in the printed edition require further revisions. While the 656 AH manuscript does not consistently offer the best records and contains various omissions and errors, this observation arises from comparisons with the Minovi and Heydari corrections. In conclusion, although Akhlaq-e Naseri as corrected by Minovi and Heydari retains considerable validity and value, it is essential to incorporate insights from older, previously unknown manuscripts and additional sources to facilitate necessary corrections to its contents. Keywords: Akhlaq-e Naseri, Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi, Correction of Minovi & Heydari, Evaluation, Manuscripts Introduction Akhlaq-e Naseri, authored by Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi (597-672 AH), is regarded as one of the most significant Persian works on ethics. Written in 633 AH, the text underwent two notable revisions approximately thirty years later. First, following the defeat of Hulegu Khan and the conquest of the Ismaili fortresses in 654 AH, the original introduction— which praised the Ismaili rulers and elders—was removed and replaced. Second, during the same revision, a brief commendation of Naser al-Din, the ruler of Qohestan, that appeared at the end of the book was also eliminated. In 663 AH, at the behest of a prominent figure named Jalal al-Davlat al-Din Abdul Aziz, Nasir al-Din added a chapter titled “On Respecting the Rights of Fathers and Mothers and Suffering from Their Disobedience” to the conclusion of the fourth chapter of the second article. The most authoritative correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri was undertaken by Mojtaba Minovi and Alireza Heydari. This corrected edition was first published by Kharazmi Publications in February 1977 and is now in its eighth edition. Given the importance of this work and Minovi's esteemed position in the field of Persian text correction, this article evaluates the text. Mojtaba Minovi is recognized as one of the foremost researchers and correctors of ancient Persian literature, having edited and published key texts such as Nowruz-nameh, Wis & Ramin, Kalileh and Demneh, and Sirat-e Jalal al-Din Mangburni. Alireza Heydari is also celebrated as a significant scholar and cultural figure in the realm of book publishing. In addition to this collaboration, he, alongside Mohammad Ali Movahed, corrected and published the Ebteda-Nameh of Sultan Valad. Materials & Methods The primary criterion for evaluating the correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari is the oldest known manuscript of this text, dated 656 AH. This manuscript predates all those utilized by the correctors and is currently housed in the Central Library and Documentation Center of Shiraz University. In this study, a comprehensive comparison of the entire printed text with this manuscript was conducted, along with the examination of other relevant sources. The following questions were addressed: Is the correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari still sufficiently valid? What issues can be identified in the critique of this correction? Can access to newly discovered manuscripts rectify any potential errors in the text? What is the validity of words that the correctors noted in their existing manuscripts but chose not to include in the final text? e) Finally, is there a need for another correction of this book? Research Findings Historical Context of Akhlaq-e Naseri: Akhlaq-e Naseri, authored by Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi in 633 AH, stands as one of the most significant Persian ethical texts. The book gained prominence during Tusi's lifetime, undergoing slight revisions in the subsequent decades. It has influenced numerous ethical works over the centuries and has been reprinted multiple times, particularly in India. The authoritative correction by Mojtaba Minovi and Alireza Heydari relied on five manuscripts from the seventh century AH, with the most notable being a manuscript dated 656 AH, preserved in the Central Library and Documentation Center of Shiraz University. This manuscript, being older than those used by the correctors, was analyzed in detail for the first time in this study. Features of the 656 AH Manuscript: The 656 AH manuscript exhibits several noteworthy features, including older vocabulary compared to the Minovi and Heydari correction, distinct calligraphy, and diacritical marks for certain words. A thorough comparison of the text of Akhlaq-e Naseri, as corrected by Minovi and Heydari, with this manuscript has revealed significant insights. Corrections and Recommendations: The analysis indicates that while the corrections made by Minovi and Heydari are highly valid, the newly examined manuscript suggests necessary adjustments. Some of these adjustments include textual corrections based on the older manuscript and other sources, addressing incomplete or erroneous explanations, typographical errors, incorrect diacritics, and improper punctuation. Although the 656 AH manuscript does not always present the most accurate records and contains various omissions and errors, it still highlights the need for further revisions. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari presents several positive aspects. Notably, the inclusion of a dictionary of Persian terms alongside their English equivalents is a significant feature. Both "The Glossary of Persian Words and Arabic Sentences" and "The Glossary of Defined Terms" are invaluable, complemented by the introduction and annotations. These elements greatly assist readers in navigating the complexities of the text. Moreover, the corrected version exhibits commendable accuracy and clarity, aligning scientifically with other esteemed corrections by Minovi. However, revisions are deemed necessary due to factors such as the passage of time, the emergence of new sources and manuscripts, and possibly Minovi's limited oversight during the final stages of publication. In this article, several corrections are proposed based on the examined manuscript and additional sources. These corrections fall into five categories: a) Textual corrections (utilizing the introduced manuscript or other textual evidence) Incomplete or inaccurate explanations Typographical errors Incorrect diacritics Improper use of punctuation marks Abstract Akhlaq-e Naseri is one of the most significant Persian ethical texts. Written by Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi in 633 AH, the book underwent slight revisions in the following decades. It gained widespread recognition during the author’s lifetime and has influenced numerous ethical works over the centuries. The text has been reprinted many times, especially in India. The most authoritative correction was conducted by Mojtaba Minovi and Alireza Heydari, who utilized five manuscripts from the seventh century AH for their work. In recent years, additional manuscripts of Akhlaq-e Naseri have come to light, the most notable being one dated 656 AH, which is housed in the Central Library and Documentation Center of Shiraz University. This manuscript predates all those used by the correctors and has been examined in detail for the first time in this study. Among its significant features are the presence of older vocabulary compared to the Minovi and Heydari correction, distinctive calligraphy, and diacritical marks for certain words. Through a thorough and comprehensive comparison of the text of Akhlaq-e Naseri as corrected by Minovi and Heydari with this manuscript, several noteworthy insights have emerged. Additionally, based on other sources, it has become evident that the corrected text and the accompanying explanations and glossaries in the printed edition require further revisions. While the 656 AH manuscript does not consistently offer the best records and contains various omissions and errors, this observation arises from comparisons with the Minovi and Heydari corrections. In conclusion, although Akhlaq-e Naseri as corrected by Minovi and Heydari retains considerable validity and value, it is essential to incorporate insights from older, previously unknown manuscripts and additional sources to facilitate necessary corrections to its contents. Keywords: Akhlaq-e Naseri, Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi, Correction of Minovi & Heydari, Evaluation, Manuscripts Introduction Akhlaq-e Naseri, authored by Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi (597-672 AH), is regarded as one of the most significant Persian works on ethics. Written in 633 AH, the text underwent two notable revisions approximately thirty years later. First, following the defeat of Hulegu Khan and the conquest of the Ismaili fortresses in 654 AH, the original introduction— which praised the Ismaili rulers and elders—was removed and replaced. Second, during the same revision, a brief commendation of Naser al-Din, the ruler of Qohestan, that appeared at the end of the book was also eliminated. In 663 AH, at the behest of a prominent figure named Jalal al-Davlat al-Din Abdul Aziz, Nasir al-Din added a chapter titled “On Respecting the Rights of Fathers and Mothers and Suffering from Their Disobedience” to the conclusion of the fourth chapter of the second article. The most authoritative correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri was undertaken by Mojtaba Minovi and Alireza Heydari. This corrected edition was first published by Kharazmi Publications in February 1977 and is now in its eighth edition. Given the importance of this work and Minovi's esteemed position in the field of Persian text correction, this article evaluates the text. Mojtaba Minovi is recognized as one of the foremost researchers and correctors of ancient Persian literature, having edited and published key texts such as Nowruz-nameh, Wis & Ramin, Kalileh and Demneh, and Sirat-e Jalal al-Din Mangburni. Alireza Heydari is also celebrated as a significant scholar and cultural figure in the realm of book publishing. In addition to this collaboration, he, alongside Mohammad Ali Movahed, corrected and published the Ebteda-Nameh of Sultan Valad. Materials & Methods The primary criterion for evaluating the correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari is the oldest known manuscript of this text, dated 656 AH. This manuscript predates all those utilized by the correctors and is currently housed in the Central Library and Documentation Center of Shiraz University. In this study, a comprehensive comparison of the entire printed text with this manuscript was conducted, along with the examination of other relevant sources. The following questions were addressed: Is the correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari still sufficiently valid? What issues can be identified in the critique of this correction? Can access to newly discovered manuscripts rectify any potential errors in the text? What is the validity of words that the correctors noted in their existing manuscripts but chose not to include in the final text? e) Finally, is there a need for another correction of this book? Research Findings Historical Context of Akhlaq-e Naseri: Akhlaq-e Naseri, authored by Khaje Nasir al-Din Tusi in 633 AH, stands as one of the most significant Persian ethical texts. The book gained prominence during Tusi's lifetime, undergoing slight revisions in the subsequent decades. It has influenced numerous ethical works over the centuries and has been reprinted multiple times, particularly in India. The authoritative correction by Mojtaba Minovi and Alireza Heydari relied on five manuscripts from the seventh century AH, with the most notable being a manuscript dated 656 AH, preserved in the Central Library and Documentation Center of Shiraz University. This manuscript, being older than those used by the correctors, was analyzed in detail for the first time in this study. Features of the 656 AH Manuscript: The 656 AH manuscript exhibits several noteworthy features, including older vocabulary compared to the Minovi and Heydari correction, distinct calligraphy, and diacritical marks for certain words. A thorough comparison of the text of Akhlaq-e Naseri, as corrected by Minovi and Heydari, with this manuscript has revealed significant insights. Corrections and Recommendations: The analysis indicates that while the corrections made by Minovi and Heydari are highly valid, the newly examined manuscript suggests necessary adjustments. Some of these adjustments include textual corrections based on the older manuscript and other sources, addressing incomplete or erroneous explanations, typographical errors, incorrect diacritics, and improper punctuation. Although the 656 AH manuscript does not always present the most accurate records and contains various omissions and errors, it still highlights the need for further revisions. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The correction of Akhlaq-e Naseri by Minovi and Heydari presents several positive aspects. Notably, the inclusion of a dictionary of Persian terms alongside their English equivalents is a significant feature. Both "The Glossary of Persian Words and Arabic Sentences" and "The Glossary of Defined Terms" are invaluable, complemented by the introduction and annotations. These elements greatly assist readers in navigating the complexities of the text. Moreover, the corrected version exhibits commendable accuracy and clarity, aligning scientifically with other esteemed corrections by Minovi. However, revisions are deemed necessary due to factors such as the passage of time, the emergence of new sources and manuscripts, and possibly Minovi's limited oversight during the final stages of publication. In this article, several corrections are proposed based on the examined manuscript and additional sources. These corrections fall into five categories: a) Textual corrections (utilizing the introduced manuscript or other textual evidence) Incomplete or inaccurate explanations Typographical errors Incorrect diacritics Improper use of punctuation marks

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29281_c0d52afa62fe2defddc23f24312a78c8.pdf

University of Isfahan Textual Criticism of Persian Literature 2476-3268 17 2 2025 06 22 The Possibility of Ferdowsi's Reference to Rudaki's Juyi Moulian The Possibility of Ferdowsi's Reference to Rudaki's Juyi Moulian 97 112 29320 10.22108/rpll.2025.143626.2403 FA Khalil Kahrizi Assistant professor, Department of Persian Language and Literature, Faculty of Language and Literature, University of Kurdistan, Sanandaj, Iran Journal Article 2024 12 09 Abstract Poets often reference one another, reflecting the competitions and poetic challenges that characterize their relationships. However, since Ferdowsi was not a court poet and the narrative genre of the Shahnameh limits such references, striking examples are rare. Apart from Daqiqi, who preceded Ferdowsi in composing the Shahnameh of Abu Mansuri, Ferdowsi only mentions Rudaki's versification of Kalila and Dimna once. Additionally, there exists a reference that has largely gone unnoticed. The kingship of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan in the Shahnameh features a lyrical address marked by irony and ambiguity. A verse from this address may evoke the opening of the poem "Juyi Moulian" and carries implications related to Rudaki's harp playing. This connection has impacted the manuscripts of Ferdowsi's verses and has led to uncertainty among editors regarding the choice of the terms "bād" (wind), "bui" (fragrance), and "yād" (memory). In this article, we aimed to critique previous interpretations of this section of the Shahnameh by exploring the meaning and multi-layered context of the royal address of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan. We also proposed Ferdowsi's possible reference to the opening of "Juyi Moulian" and analyzed the terms "bād" and "bui-ye yār" in Ferdowsi's verse and Rudaki's work from a semantic and textual criticism perspective. Keywords: Rudaki, Ferdowsi, Juy-e Moulian, Editing. Introduction Despite the extensive nature of the Shahnameh, Ferdowsi offers little significant insight into his personal life, affairs, and relationships. His references to age and some contemporary court poets primarily serve to elucidate the process of composing the Shahnameh. Unlike Nizami Ganjavi, we have scant information about Ferdowsi's wife and family; the Shahnameh only reveals that his son, who was often critical of him, passed away at the age of 37. It is likely that at the onset of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan's reign, he subtly alluded to his deceased wife in one of his verses. Ferdowsi's mentions of other poets are equally minimal. This scarcity may stem not only from the professional demands of narrative poetry, but also from Ferdowsi's non-courtly status. As Ferdowsi was not embroiled in the rivalries, friendships, and enmities of court poets and remained distanced from the centers of power, it is not surprising that he had little engagement with his contemporaries. Aside from Daqiqi, Ferdowsi makes only general references to the poetic compositions that preceded him. He does mention Rudaki in connection with the history and composition of Kalila and Dimna, as well as the method of its creation. Beyond these few examples, he does not name any other poets and his references do not directly invoke the poetry of others. However, at the beginning of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan's reign in the Shahnameh, there is a notable mention of an apple tree that Tamuz speaks to in a veiled manner, praising the lost beauty of its spring now transformed by yellow and red apples. In this context, certain verses evoke Rudaki and his famous poem "Juyi Moulian" through their ironic and ambiguous language. Materials & Methods In this article, we analyzed a section of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh. Our examination began by seeking to establish the accurate meaning of the verses. Following this, we critiqued previous interpretations and existing commentaries related to the selected verses. Through this comprehensive analysis, we aimed to uncover the original context and identify a previously overlooked reference, in which Ferdowsi alluded to Rudaki's renowned poem and his harp playing. This discovery also aided in correcting a specific verse from the Shahnameh. The primary materials for our study included the most significant editions of the Shahnameh and the poems of Rudaki. Research Findings The investigation into Ferdowsi's Shahnameh revealed intricate layers of meaning and intertextual references, particularly to Rudaki and his poem "Juyi Moulian". The analysis of the sermon delivered by Hormozd Noushin-Ravan suggested that Ferdowsi employed both the language and syntactic structure reminiscent of Rudaki's work, particularly in the third verse of this sermon. This verse not only evoked Rudaki's harp playing through the term "Chang", but also highlighted the ambiguity and irony present in the context. The study further explored the discrepancies found in the manuscripts of the Shahnameh, particularly concerning the terms "bād" (wind), "bui" (fragrance), and "yād" (memory). These variations appeared to echo similar inconsistencies in Rudaki's verses, indicating a potential influence of Rudaki's poetic style on Ferdowsi's writing. The critical examination of both Ferdowsi and Rudaki’s verses supported the notion that these textual issues might stem from a shared poetic tradition. Additionally, the association between the narratives within the Shahnameh and Rudaki's life, particularly through the figure of Max, the governor of Herat, reinforced the idea that Ferdowsi's references to Rudaki were intentional and deliberate. The findings proposed that Ferdowsi’s subtle allusions to his predecessor's work served to enrich the narrative and engage with the poetic heritage of his time, ultimately contributing to the thematic depth of the Shahnameh. Discussion of Results & Conclusion Taking into account the figurative language and ambiguous context of the sermon in the story of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan within the Shahnameh, it was reasonable to suggest that Ferdowsi referenced Rudaki and his poem "Juyi Moulian". In the third verse of this 14-verse sermon, Ferdowsi not only employed the language and syntactic structure reminiscent of the opening of "Juyi Moulian", but he also implied Rudaki's harp playing through the term "Chang". An examination of the Shahnameh manuscripts revealed variations in the recordings of the words "buy", "bād", and "yād" in the relevant verse, which might echo similar discrepancies found in Rudaki's works. This suggested that the confusion in Rudaki's writings could have influenced the manuscripts of the Shahnameh. A closer look at Rudaki's verse indicated that there was no doubt about the readings "bād-e juy" in the first hemistich and "buy-e yār" in the second. These readings were not only supported by textual criticism, but also aligned more coherently with the overall logic of the discourse. The manuscripts of the Shahnameh further showed that in Hormozd Noushin-Ravan's sermon, the forms "bād-e šarm" in the first hemistich and "buy-e yār" in the second were preferable to other variants. This connection with Rudaki's verse was significant as it was reinforced by the consistency found across the Shahnameh manuscripts. Juxtaposing Rudaki's verse with Ferdowsi's enhanced the quality of both texts and bolstered our hypothesis regarding Ferdowsi's influence from Rudaki, particularly given that the narrator of the story of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan was Max, the governor of Herat. From this analysis, we could tentatively propose that Ferdowsi, in the latter part of the story of Noushin-Ravan while discussing the versification of Kalila and Dimna, alluded to Rudaki. When he reached the narrative of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan and saw the name of the narrator, Max, he was reminded once again of Rudaki and the tale of his poem "Juyi Moulian", which related to Nasr ibn Ahmad's stay in Herat. Consequently, he composed the sermon in the style of ode poets and began the story with a reference to King Hormozd Noushin-Ravan. Thus, in crafting the third verse of this sermon, he drew upon the opening of "Juyi Moulian", subtly recalling Rudaki and his harp playing. Abstract Poets often reference one another, reflecting the competitions and poetic challenges that characterize their relationships. However, since Ferdowsi was not a court poet and the narrative genre of the Shahnameh limits such references, striking examples are rare. Apart from Daqiqi, who preceded Ferdowsi in composing the Shahnameh of Abu Mansuri, Ferdowsi only mentions Rudaki's versification of Kalila and Dimna once. Additionally, there exists a reference that has largely gone unnoticed. The kingship of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan in the Shahnameh features a lyrical address marked by irony and ambiguity. A verse from this address may evoke the opening of the poem "Juyi Moulian" and carries implications related to Rudaki's harp playing. This connection has impacted the manuscripts of Ferdowsi's verses and has led to uncertainty among editors regarding the choice of the terms "bād" (wind), "bui" (fragrance), and "yād" (memory). In this article, we aimed to critique previous interpretations of this section of the Shahnameh by exploring the meaning and multi-layered context of the royal address of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan. We also proposed Ferdowsi's possible reference to the opening of "Juyi Moulian" and analyzed the terms "bād" and "bui-ye yār" in Ferdowsi's verse and Rudaki's work from a semantic and textual criticism perspective. Keywords: Rudaki, Ferdowsi, Juy-e Moulian, Editing. Introduction Despite the extensive nature of the Shahnameh, Ferdowsi offers little significant insight into his personal life, affairs, and relationships. His references to age and some contemporary court poets primarily serve to elucidate the process of composing the Shahnameh. Unlike Nizami Ganjavi, we have scant information about Ferdowsi's wife and family; the Shahnameh only reveals that his son, who was often critical of him, passed away at the age of 37. It is likely that at the onset of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan's reign, he subtly alluded to his deceased wife in one of his verses. Ferdowsi's mentions of other poets are equally minimal. This scarcity may stem not only from the professional demands of narrative poetry, but also from Ferdowsi's non-courtly status. As Ferdowsi was not embroiled in the rivalries, friendships, and enmities of court poets and remained distanced from the centers of power, it is not surprising that he had little engagement with his contemporaries. Aside from Daqiqi, Ferdowsi makes only general references to the poetic compositions that preceded him. He does mention Rudaki in connection with the history and composition of Kalila and Dimna, as well as the method of its creation. Beyond these few examples, he does not name any other poets and his references do not directly invoke the poetry of others. However, at the beginning of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan's reign in the Shahnameh, there is a notable mention of an apple tree that Tamuz speaks to in a veiled manner, praising the lost beauty of its spring now transformed by yellow and red apples. In this context, certain verses evoke Rudaki and his famous poem "Juyi Moulian" through their ironic and ambiguous language. Materials & Methods In this article, we analyzed a section of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh. Our examination began by seeking to establish the accurate meaning of the verses. Following this, we critiqued previous interpretations and existing commentaries related to the selected verses. Through this comprehensive analysis, we aimed to uncover the original context and identify a previously overlooked reference, in which Ferdowsi alluded to Rudaki's renowned poem and his harp playing. This discovery also aided in correcting a specific verse from the Shahnameh. The primary materials for our study included the most significant editions of the Shahnameh and the poems of Rudaki. Research Findings The investigation into Ferdowsi's Shahnameh revealed intricate layers of meaning and intertextual references, particularly to Rudaki and his poem "Juyi Moulian". The analysis of the sermon delivered by Hormozd Noushin-Ravan suggested that Ferdowsi employed both the language and syntactic structure reminiscent of Rudaki's work, particularly in the third verse of this sermon. This verse not only evoked Rudaki's harp playing through the term "Chang", but also highlighted the ambiguity and irony present in the context. The study further explored the discrepancies found in the manuscripts of the Shahnameh, particularly concerning the terms "bād" (wind), "bui" (fragrance), and "yād" (memory). These variations appeared to echo similar inconsistencies in Rudaki's verses, indicating a potential influence of Rudaki's poetic style on Ferdowsi's writing. The critical examination of both Ferdowsi and Rudaki’s verses supported the notion that these textual issues might stem from a shared poetic tradition. Additionally, the association between the narratives within the Shahnameh and Rudaki's life, particularly through the figure of Max, the governor of Herat, reinforced the idea that Ferdowsi's references to Rudaki were intentional and deliberate. The findings proposed that Ferdowsi’s subtle allusions to his predecessor's work served to enrich the narrative and engage with the poetic heritage of his time, ultimately contributing to the thematic depth of the Shahnameh. Discussion of Results & Conclusion Taking into account the figurative language and ambiguous context of the sermon in the story of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan within the Shahnameh, it was reasonable to suggest that Ferdowsi referenced Rudaki and his poem "Juyi Moulian". In the third verse of this 14-verse sermon, Ferdowsi not only employed the language and syntactic structure reminiscent of the opening of "Juyi Moulian", but he also implied Rudaki's harp playing through the term "Chang". An examination of the Shahnameh manuscripts revealed variations in the recordings of the words "buy", "bād", and "yād" in the relevant verse, which might echo similar discrepancies found in Rudaki's works. This suggested that the confusion in Rudaki's writings could have influenced the manuscripts of the Shahnameh. A closer look at Rudaki's verse indicated that there was no doubt about the readings "bād-e juy" in the first hemistich and "buy-e yār" in the second. These readings were not only supported by textual criticism, but also aligned more coherently with the overall logic of the discourse. The manuscripts of the Shahnameh further showed that in Hormozd Noushin-Ravan's sermon, the forms "bād-e šarm" in the first hemistich and "buy-e yār" in the second were preferable to other variants. This connection with Rudaki's verse was significant as it was reinforced by the consistency found across the Shahnameh manuscripts. Juxtaposing Rudaki's verse with Ferdowsi's enhanced the quality of both texts and bolstered our hypothesis regarding Ferdowsi's influence from Rudaki, particularly given that the narrator of the story of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan was Max, the governor of Herat. From this analysis, we could tentatively propose that Ferdowsi, in the latter part of the story of Noushin-Ravan while discussing the versification of Kalila and Dimna, alluded to Rudaki. When he reached the narrative of Hormozd Noushin-Ravan and saw the name of the narrator, Max, he was reminded once again of Rudaki and the tale of his poem "Juyi Moulian", which related to Nasr ibn Ahmad's stay in Herat. Consequently, he composed the sermon in the style of ode poets and began the story with a reference to King Hormozd Noushin-Ravan. Thus, in crafting the third verse of this sermon, he drew upon the opening of "Juyi Moulian", subtly recalling Rudaki and his harp playing.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29320_6e8936bf0add6bf7224f8e0444d8f1b3.pdf