دانشگاه اصفهان متن شناسی ادب فارسی 2476-3268 18 3 2026 08 23 Analysis of Folk Rituals in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati تحلیل آیین‌های عامه در رباعیات اثیرالدین اخسیکتی 1 23 30325 10.22108/rpll.2026.147120.2516 FA فرشاد اسکندری شرفی دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران محمود براتی خوانساری استاد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران محسن محمدی فشارکی دانشیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2025 10 20 Abstract Folk culture, with its various elements, has long played a significant role in shaping the content of Persian poetry, serving as the foundation for its semantic and content expansion. The incorporation of elements of folk culture in Persian poetry has not only broadened its semantic and content range but has also led to an increase in the volume of ambiguities and the level of obscurity within Persian poetry; this function has been particularly pronounced in certain periods, making poetic texts more challenging to understand. The sixth century AH stands out as one of these periods, characterized by a strong inclination among poets to incorporate elements of folk culture, resulting in the creation of numerous ambiguous and obscure poems. Athir al-Din Akhsikati is a poet from the sixth century known for his many ambiguous and obscure works. In this descriptive-analytical study, based on library documents and resources, a total of 564 Rubaiyats by Athir al-Din Akhsikati have been examined and analyzed in terms of their incorporation of popular rituals, which are significant elements of folk culture. The findings demonstrate that popular rituals are both frequently and diversely represented in Athir al-Din Akhsikati’s Rubaiyat, thereby contributing significantly to the enigmatic nature of many of these poems. The principal categories of popular rituals identified within the Rubaiyat include 1) slavery rituals, 2) courtly, civil, and military rituals, 3) religious rituals, 4) joy-related rituals, 5) rituals associated with death and mourning, 6) drinking rituals, and 7) various other ritual forms. Keywords: Popular Rituals, Persian Poetry, Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati. Introduction Folk culture encompasses a diverse range of cultural elements, both material and immaterial, that are passed down through oral tradition rather than formal education. Unlike official culture, which is taught through written textbooks and educational systems, folk culture is acquired, experienced, and institutionalized through oral processes. Despite these differences, folk culture and official culture share commonalities and relationships. One such relationship can be seen in Persian poetry, where elements of folk culture have been utilized since the inception of Persian poetry. The sixth century of Persian poetry, in particular, saw a widespread use of various elements of folk culture. While this enriched the content of Persian poetry, it also made it more challenging and less accessible. Understanding the basics of folk culture is essential for interpreting the meaning and content of poetry from this period. Athir al-Din Akhsikati, a prominent poet from the sixth century, is known for the complexity and incomprehensibility of his poetry. The use of popular culture elements in his work has contributed significantly to this complexity. This study focuses on the use of popular rituals, a key element of folk culture, in Athir al-Din Akhsikati’s Rubaiyat. The aim is to explore the extent and types of popular rituals used in his poems and analyze how they contribute to the difficulty and incomprehensibility of his poetry. Materials and Methods The method used in this study is descriptive-analytical. Data were obtained through documents and library resources. The text under investigation is the Rubaiyat section of the Divan of Athir al-Din Akhsikati. To access these Rubaiyats, the correction of Mahmoud Barati Khansari from the first edition published in 2019 was utilized, out of the three available corrections of the Divan of Athir al-Din Akhsikati. According to this correction, there are 564 Rubaiyats by Athir al-Din Aksikti, found on pages 727 to 847 of his Divan. Due to the size of the population and the statistical sample in this study, all members of the statistical population (564 Rubaiyats) were studied, examined, and analyzed in terms of their depiction of public rituals. Research Findings In the study of the 564 Rubaiyats of Athir al-Din Akhsikati in terms of the use of folk rituals, many instances of this element of folk culture were identified. It should be noted that folk rituals are one of the most important and widely used elements of folk culture in the Rubaiyats of Athir al-Din Akhsikati. These folk rituals are remarkably diverse and cover different areas. In this study, they have been categorized into 7 groups: Rituals of Servitude Court, Civil, and Military Rituals Religious and Spiritual Rituals Rituals of Joy Death and Mourning Rituals Drinking Rituals Other Rituals The abundance and variety of folk rituals in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati demonstrate that this poet was heavily influenced by the prevalent practice in Persian poetry during the sixth century AH. The quantity and diversity of folk rituals in his Rubaiyat also contribute to the complexity and challenge in understanding his work. The presence of these rituals in Athir al-Din Akhisikti’s Rubaiyat enhances the levels of meaning and content in these poems, creating connections between these different levels. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The following lines briefly describe the seven categories of public rituals found in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati, along with an explanation of selected examples from each category: Rituals of Servitude: Slavery (or servitude) was a well-known social institution in the history of Iran before and after Islam, with its own rituals and customs. The rituals and customs associated with slavery often reflected the contemptuous attitude and violent behavior of slave owners towards individuals of this low social class. Persian poetry has provided valuable information about the institution of slavery and the social class of slaves. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati is an example of this, mentioning slavery and slaves extensively. The main rituals and customs of slavery in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Aksikati include: 1) buying and selling slaves, 2) putting a ring in the ear of a slave, 3) making love to a slave, and 4) freeing a slave. Court, Civil, and Military Rituals: Iranians have a rich history in governance and civilization building, with various rituals and traditions that have influenced other governments and civilizations. Persian poetry’s interaction with the ruling governments of Iran, through eulogies, played a significant role in the influence of court, civil, and military rituals on Persian poetry. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati features court, civil, and military rituals, including: 1) “Ejri”, 2) “Bar Dadan” (Giving permission), 3) training a hunting falcon for the king, 4) “Choobak Zadan” (Playing the drums), and 5) placing poison under the royal ring. Religious and Spiritual Rituals: Rituals are essential elements in the worship and belief systems of various religions and sects. Iranian culture has seen the emergence of new religions and sects, with followers practicing various religious rituals. Persian poetry reflects these religious rituals, with the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati featuring Islamic rituals such as: 1) seeing the new moon as a sign of the end of fasting, 2) circumambulating the Kaaba, and 3) the prohibition of “Haram” hunting. Rituals of Joy: Iranian culture has long been rich in celebrations and ceremonies of joy, many of which are still practiced today. These events were institutionalized in the context of national and religious issues, leading Iranians to deeply believe in and uphold these traditions. Some Iranian celebrations were tied to natural or significant life stages, beginning concurrently with these periods. Persian poetry often highlights the specific rituals associated with these joyous ceremonies. For example, the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati mentions rituals like “Hejleh Bastan” and “Shekkar Chidan”. Death and Mourning Rituals: Death is a fundamental aspect of human life, leading to the development of various rituals across cultures to cope with the uncertainties and emotional impact it brings. In the Iranian culture, rituals surrounding death have been prevalent throughout history, often depicted in Persian poetry. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati illustrates rituals such as: 1) applying camphor to the dead body, 2) shrouding the dead body, 3) burying the body, and 4) wearing mourning clothes (“Kabood Poushi”) in funerals. Drinking Rituals: Drinking rituals in Iranian culture are closely tied to wine, from its preparation to consumption and effects. Persian poetry has long explored the theme of drinking, influencing the creation of various rituals related to it. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati mentions rituals like 1) drinking in memory of someone, 2) drinking snacks, 3) making friends, and 4) purifying wine. Other Rituals: The seventh category in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati is titled “Other rituals”. These public rituals can be categorized into two types. The first type includes rituals specific to certain regions, omitted due to their rarity. The second type encompasses rituals with multiple aspects, bridging different categories or incorporating elements from previous rituals. Examples from this category include: 1) wearing “Kaghazin Pirahan”, 2) applying a mole on the forehead with the blood of the victim, 3) “Khazab Kardan”, 4) “Dagh Kardan”, 5) “Dayegi”, 6) “Sala Dar Dadan”, 7) “Ayyari”, and 8) “Kous Zadan” (a singing tool). فرهنگ عامه با عناصر گوناگونی که دارد، از دیرباز تا کنون در شعر فارسی کارکردی محتواسازانه داشته و آن زمینۀ بسط معنایی و محتوایی این نوع ادب فارسی را فراهم آورده‌است؛ البته به‌کارگیری عناصر گوناگون فرهنگ عامه در شعر فارسی، به‌منظور گسترش دامنۀ معنایی و محتوایی آن، با پیامد مهم دیگری در شعر فارسی همراه بوده و آن افزایش حجم ابهامات و سطح دیریابی شعر فارسی است. کارکرد مذکور فرهنگ عامه در شعر فارسی، در برخی از دوره‌های آن، کمیت بیشتری داشته و به‌تناسب، درک شعر فارسی آن دوره‌ها را دشوارتر ساخته است. شعر فارسی قرن ششم، از جملۀ این دوره‌هاست. در این دوره، گرایش شدید شاعران به استفاده از عناصر گوناگون فرهنگ عامه، در کنار مسائلی دیگر، منجر به پیدایش اشعار مبهم و دیریاب بسیاری شده است. اثیرالدین اخسیکتی، از شاعران سدۀ ششم با اشعار مبهم و دیریاب فراوان است. در این پژوهش توصیفی‌تحلیلی که داده‌های آن برگرفته از اسناد و منابع کتابخانه‌ای است، رباعیات پُرتعداد اثیرالدین اخسیکتی (564 مورد)، از نظر کاربرد آیین‌های عامه، از عناصر مهم فرهنگ عامه، بررسی و تحلیل شده ‌است. مطابق دستاورد پژوهش، آیین‌های عامه در رباعیات اثیرالدین اخسیکتی بسامد و تنوع بالا دارد و آن از زمینه‌های ‌اصلی ابهام و دیریابی در بسیاری از این رباعیات است. مهم‌ترین انواع آیین‌های عامه، در رباعیات اثیرالدین اخسیکتی: 1. آیین‌های بندگی، 2. آیین‌های درباری، دیوانی و لشکری، 3. آیین‌های دینی و مذهبی، 4. آیین‌های شادی، 5. آیین‌های مرگ و سوگواری، 6. آیین‌های میگساری، و 7. سایر آیین‌ها است.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30325_fc8992895314a3d43a468b9190532384.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان متن شناسی ادب فارسی 2476-3268 18 3 2026 08 23 Correction of Some Errors in the Translation of the Holy Qur'an in the First Edition of Kashf al-Asrār wa 'Uddat al-Abrār (With an Examination of Evidence from Volume III) تصحیح برخی اشتباهات در ترجمۀ قرآن کریم نوبت اول کشف‌الاسرار و عدةالابرار (با بررسی شواهدی از جلد سوم) 25 52 30257 10.22108/rpll.2026.147142.2517 FA پروین گلی زاده استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی،دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدچمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران 0000-0002-3628-6413 سجاد دهقان دانشجوی دکتری گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی،دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدچمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران علیرضا ناصربافقی دانشجوی دکتری گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی،دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهیدچمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران Journal Article 2025 10 25 Abstract The Persian translation of the Quran in the first edition of Kashf al-Asrār—which is essentially an edited version of an ancient translation and commentary attributed to Khwāja ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī—is one of the earliest Persian translation-commentaries. From a linguistic typological perspective, it belongs to the Heravi (Herat) variety. In his revision of this work, Maybudī largely preserved the archaic features of its original source. Consequently, the text examined in this study represents the fourth most important and complete source for the analysis of the Heravi variety—after Ṭabaqāt al-Ṣūfiyya, the Rasāʾil, and the surviving manuscripts of the commentary by Khwāja ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī. ʿAlī Aṣghar Ḥikmat (and in the third volume, with the collaboration of Jaʿfar Shāʿar) undertook the first and only critical edition of this work from 1331 to 1339 AH (1952–1960 CE), resulting in a ten-volume publication. Despite the editor’s considerable efforts, due to the significant limitations of textual editing at that time, the vastness of the text, printing and typographical issues, as well as the dispersion of the extant manuscripts of Kashf al-Asrār, his edition contains many errors, both minor and substantial. In the present study, the authors aim to correct some of the editor’s verifiable mistakes in the Persian translation of the first edition, focusing specifically on Volume Three of the work. These errors—27 in total—share a common cause: the editor’s oversight of the base manuscript or inadvertent typographical mistakes that have subsequently spread to other secondary sources. Keywords: The Qur'an, Kashf al-Asrār; Maybudī; Khwāja ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī; Correction. Introduction Maybudī's Kashf al-Asrār wa 'Uddat al-Abrār is one of the most prominent exegetical and literary legacies of the sixth century AH. The first part of this work, dedicated to the translation of Quranic verses, is essentially the translation of Khwāja 'Abdullāh Anṣārī and holds particular linguistic significance for preserving the features of the "Heravi linguistic variety". Despite considerable effort, the edition by 'Alī Aṣghar Ḥikmat, due to limitations such as restricted access to original manuscripts at the time of editing and printing errors, in some places deviates from Maybudī's redacted version of Khwāja 'Abdullāh Anṣārī’s translation and the linguistic structure of that period. This study aims to re-examine certain errors in the printed text, focusing on the third volume, and correct them based on several early manuscripts, particularly the editor's base manuscript. Materials and Methods This research was carried out using a "critical editing" approach and a descriptive-analytical method. To correct some errors in the first part of the Quran translation, the authors collated the printed text (Ḥikmat's edition) with three early manuscripts (Nūr 'Uthmāniyah MSS 444 and 474, and Yeni Cāmi' 43). The selection criteria for the evidence were cases where the printed text either conflicted with the source text (Quranic verses) or contradicted the stylistic and grammatical characteristics of early prose and the Heravi dialect. Furthermore, in all these cases, the reading in the printed text differed from the base manuscript and the two other manuscripts, indicating that the editor either misread the text or the printed edition contained typographical errors. Research Findings Following the comparison and critique of the printed text of the third volume of Kashf al-Asrar with the base manuscripts (and two ancient manuscripts from the Nuruosmaniye Library), 27 errors were identified. These findings were categorized and corrected into the following three classes: Scribal errors and visual slips in manuscript reading: This category includes cases recorded incorrectly in the printed text due to orthographic similarities in the manuscripts. For example: "شک" (Doubt) in Verse 16 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was changed to the correct recording of "تنگ" (Narrow/Tight), corrected based on the base manuscript for semantic consistency. "بدست مگیرید" (Do not take by hand) in Verse 57 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was corrected to "بدوستی مگیرید" (Do not take in friendship) to restore the precise meaning of the word lā tattakhidhū. "بستدیم" (We took/seized) in Verse 14 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was changed to the original manuscript recording, "ستدیم" (We took/seized), correcting the editor's misreading of the infinitive setadan. "دمی برون آرد" (Brings out a breath) in Verse 16 (Surah Al-Ma'idah), which was a typographical or scribal error, was recorded as "می برون آرد" (Brings out) to correct the verbal prefix. Lexical modernization and intervention in archaic equivalents: In this section, words replaced in the printed text with conventional equivalents instead of the original equivalents of the Heravi linguistic variant were restored. For example: "بهتر" (Better) in Verse 60 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) for the translation of sharr (evil), was corrected to the archaic recording "بتر" (Worse/Evil) to restore the original and stylistic Heravi form. "گران کاری" (Heavy work/excess) in Verse 68 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was changed to "گزاف کاری" (Extravagance/Excess), replacing Meybodi’s specific word in the translation of tughyānan. "قوی" (Strong) in Verse 2 (Surah Al-Ma'idah), resulting from a recording error, was corrected to "قومی" (A people) to restore the correct word according to the verse. "زیر" (Under) in Verse 66 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) for the translation of fawq (above), was changed to the correct recording "زبر" (Above) to correct a gross semantic error. Deficiencies in grammatical markers and connective elements: This category includes cases where the deletion or alteration of syntactic markers distorted the characteristics of the Heravi linguistic variant and the accuracy of the translation. For example: "سفر" (Travel) in Verse 6 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was corrected to "سفری" (A travel) to restore the "Indefinite Ya" to match the indefinite word in the Quranic text. "خدای" (God) in verses such as 73 of Al-Ma'idah and 58 of Al-A'raf was changed to the original recording "خدایی" (A god) to observe the indefinite marker in the translation of ilah. "باشید" (Be - plural) in the First Turn was corrected to "بید" (Be - archaic plural) to restore a distinguished feature of the Heravi variant in the verb structure. "خدا" (God) in Verse 70 (Surah Al-A'raf), which appeared as an indefinite form (a god), was rewritten as the definite form "خدای" (God) to match the name Allah in the verse. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of this research indicate that the existing edition of Kashf al-Asrar in the First Turn (Volume 3), despite its general validity, suffers from flaws in linguistic details and alignment with the Quranic text. These slips primarily result from a lack of strict adherence to the base manuscript or the stylistic interventions of scribes aimed at simplifying the text. The correction of the 27 aforementioned cases in this study is a necessity for restoring the authenticity of the Quranic translation in this work and providing an accurate source for linguistic research in the field of Eastern Iranian dialects. ترجمۀ قرآن در نوبت نخست کشف‌الاسرار که در اصل ویرایشی از ترجمه و تفسیری کهن منسوب خواجه عبدالله انصاری است، یکی از کهن‌ترین ترجمه - تفسیرها به زبان پارسی است. این ترجمه از نظر گونه‌شناسی زبانی، جزو گونۀ هروی محسوب می‌شود. میبدی در ویرایش خود بر این اثر، بیشتر ویژگی‌های کهن نسخۀ مادر خود را حفظ کرده و به همین دلیل، متن مورد بررسی در این جستار، پس از طبقات‌الصوفیه، رسائل و دست‌نویس‌های برجای‌مانده از تفسیر خواجه عبدالله انصاری، چهارمین متن مهم و کامل برای بررسی گونۀ هروی است. علی‌اصغر حکمت (و در جلد سوم با همکاری جعفر شعار)، اولین و آخرین تصحیح این اثر را در فواصل سال‌های (1331 تا 1339) انجام داده که حاصل آن ده جلد است. باوجود تلاش‌های بسیار مصحح، به دلیل محدودیت‌های فراوان تصحیح آثار در آن دوران، گستردگی متن و مشکلات چاپی و تایپی، همچنین پراکندگی دست‌نویس‌های موجود از کشف‌الاسرار، تصحیح وی دارای ایرادات و اشتباهات ریز و درشت است. نگارندگان در جستار حاضر، بنا دارند برخی از اشتباهات مسلّم مصحح در ترجمۀ پارسی نوبت اول را با تمرکز بر «جلد سوم» این اثر، اصلاح کنند. این اشتباهات شامل (27 مورد) است و وجه اشتراک همۀ آنها، عدم توجه مصحح به نسخۀ اساس خود یا اشتباهاتی چاپی و سهوی است که به سایر منابع نیز سرایت کرده است.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30257_c72e69edc00ed7b9a42ba4bf1dfb7145.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان متن شناسی ادب فارسی 2476-3268 18 3 2026 08 23 A Study of the Manuscript of the Commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar in Khokand, Uzbekistan (Including an Introduction and Critique of this Commentary) بررسی نسخۀ خطیِ شرحِ مخزن‌الاسرارِ خوقند ازبکستان (به همراه معرفی و نقد این شرح) 53 75 30154 10.22108/rpll.2025.146719.2502 FA علیرضا نبی لو استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه قم، قم، ایران Journal Article 2025 09 18 Abstract This study introduces, examines, and critiques the Khokand, Uzbekistan manuscript (Sh.M.Kh.A.) of the commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar, registered under number KP7307 and consisting of 201 folios, currently preserved in the Khokand Museum of Literature. The study aims to identify the characteristics of this manuscript and the methodological approach of its commentator, to evaluate the scholarly value of the commentary, and to compare it with major earlier and contemporary commentaries, including those by Muhammad ibn Qavam Balkhi, Qadi Ibrahim Tatavi, Vahid Dastgerdi, Servatian, and Zanjani. In the first section, with the purpose of introducing the commentator’s method, the article examines several linguistic and literary features of the commentary, such as references to Qur’anic verses and hadiths, rhetorical observations, grammatical and lexical analyses, citations from other poets’ works, and related elements. In the second section, selected examples of verse interpretation are analyzed, and the textual, methodological, and interpretive differences between the Khokand manuscript and other commentaries are demonstrated. The third section focuses on certain errors and inaccuracies found in the commentary, including issues such as the account of the shooting of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk Tusi with an arrow, the identification of “Babel” as a well in Kashmir, inconsistencies in the transcription of specific words, and incorrect attribution of some poetic evidence. The findings indicate that the Khokand manuscript constitutes a valuable and relatively rich commentary, comparable in many respects to authoritative commentaries, although its shortcomings should not be overlooked. Keywords: Khokand Manuscript from Uzbekistan, Makhzan al-Asrar, Muhammad ibn Qavam Balkhi, Qazi Ibrahim Tatavi. Introduction The manuscript commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar preserved in Khokand, Uzbekistan, is among the lesser-known and largely unexplored commentaries that have received little scholarly attention to date. Although detailed information about this commentary is scarce, its importance and the scholarly value of its content necessitate careful examination. Accordingly, the first section of this article concentrates on the commentator’s method and on selected linguistic and literary aspects of the commentary that assisted the commentator in explicating the verses. This analysis demonstrates that the commentator possessed substantial knowledge of grammar, rhetoric, astronomy, Qur’anic and Hadith studies, narratives and anecdotes, as well as the literary conventions commonly employed in textual commentary. The second section addresses the interpretation of several debated verses from Makhzan al-Asrar and, through comparison with other extant commentaries, clarifies the value and distinctiveness of the explanations offered in this manuscript. The third section is devoted to identifying and analyzing certain oversights and errors on the part of the commentator. Materials and Methods The present research has been conducted using a descriptive, comparative, and analytical methodology, drawing primarily on library-based sources. After a close examination of the Khokand, Uzbekistan manuscript commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar, the interpretations and explanations offered by its commentator are systematically compared with those presented in earlier and contemporary commentaries in order to assess similarities, differences, and scholarly value. Research Findings Several distinctive features of this commentary merit attention and differentiate it from some other commentaries on Makhzan al-Asrar. One notable characteristic is its more extensive citation of Qur’anic verses, hadiths, and authoritative sayings. Another prominent feature is the commentator’s heightened attention to the rhetorical aspects of the verses and their interpretive explanation. Sensitivity to linguistic and lexical nuances, as well as to grammatical points, also figures prominently in this work. Where necessary, the commentary elaborates on narratives and accounts related to specific verses, offering relatively comprehensive explanations. Attention to auxiliary fields of knowledge reflected in Nizami’s poetry—such as astronomy and medicine—constitutes another important characteristic, and the commentator demonstrates considerable familiarity with these disciplines. Additionally, the citation of poetic verses by figures such as Khaqani, Kamal al-Din Ismail, Zahir Faryabi, and others represents a further distinguishing feature of this commentary. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The findings of this research demonstrate that the Khokand commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar represents a significant resource for understanding this work, exhibiting both notable strengths and identifiable weaknesses. Among its positive features are: (1) extensive reliance on Qur’anic verses and hadiths as tools for elucidating poetic meanings; (2) the commentator’s awareness of prevailing auxiliary knowledge, including astronomy, medicine, mythology, and religious narratives, which aids in clarifying certain complex concepts; (3) precise attention to rhetorical devices such as metaphor, simile, metonymy, and personification; and (4) the use of poetic evidence from figures such as Khaqani, Zahir Faryabi, Sa‘di, and others to substantiate and clarify interpretations. These characteristics position the commentary as a relatively independent and useful scholarly reference, displaying considerable strengths in comparison with some earlier and contemporary commentaries. At the same time, certain errors and inaccuracies are not insignificant, including misattributions—such as statements attributed to Khwaja Nizam Tusi that conflict with the text and other historical sources—misinterpretations of the geographical context of myths, such as identifying “Babel” as a well in Kashmir, and inconsistencies in the transcription of particular words that affect the understanding of verses. These issues do not undermine the overall scholarly value of the manuscript; rather, they underscore the necessity of producing a critical, research-based edition accompanied by comparative annotations, in order to more precisely determine the position of this commentary within the broader tradition of interpretations of Makhzan al-Asrar. این مقاله به معرفی، نقد و بررسیِ نسخۀ خطی شرح مخزن‌الاسرار خوقند ازبکستان (شمخا) می‌پردازد که به شمارۀ ثبت KP7307 و شامل 201 برگ در موزۀ ادبیات خوقند ثبت شده و نگهداری می‌شود. هدف پژوهش، شناخت ویژگی‌های نسخه و شیوۀ کار شارح، سنجش ارزش تحقیقی شرح و مقایسۀ آن با شروح برجستۀ پیشین و معاصر (از جمله محمد بن قوام بلخی، قاضی ابراهیم تتوی، وحیددستگردی، ثروتیان و زنجانی) است. در بخش نخست، به‌قصد معرفی شیوۀ کار شارح، به برخی ویژگی‌های زبانی و ادبیِ شرح، مانند استناد به آیات و احادیث، نکات بلاغی، نکات دستوری و واژگانی، استناد به شعر شاعران دیگر و... پرداخته شد. در بخش دوم، نمونه‌هایی از شرح ابیات مخزن‌الاسرار تحلیل شد و تفاوت‌های ضبطی، روشی و تفسیریِ نسخۀ خوقند با دیگر شروح نشان داده شد؛ در بخش سوم، برخی خطاها و لغزش‌های شارح در توضیح و تبیین ابیات بررسی‌شده مواردی مانند تیرخوردن خواجه نظام طوسی، معرفی «بابل» به‌عنوان چاهی در کشمیر، اختلاف ضبطِ برخی واژه‌ها و استناد غلط برخی شواهد شعری. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که نسخۀ خطی خوقند، شرحی درخور توجه و مطالعه است و در بسیاری موارد همطراز با شروح معتبر است، هرچند از برخی لغزش‌های آن نباید چشم‌پوشی کرد.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30154_6a4385b4d25c38ae6f33aec2f08233e5.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان متن شناسی ادب فارسی 2476-3268 18 3 2026 08 23 A Critical Study of the Correction of Nasihat al-Muluk «نقدی بر تصحیح نصیحة‌الملوک غزالی» 77 101 30244 10.22108/rpll.2026.146758.2503 FA ملیحه گزی مارشک دانشجوی دکتری گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران سلمان ساکت دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران Journal Article 2025 09 27 Abstract Nasihat al-Muluk is one of the Persian works attributed to Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, which, due to the author’s prominence and the political-ethical nature of the text, has long attracted scholarly attention. Jalal al-Din Homay edited this work twice, and his corrections have served as the main reference for most subsequent literary and textual studies. However, close examination of the available correction reveals several ambiguities and deficiencies, particularly in the identification and evaluation of manuscripts, the editorial methodology, and certain textual readings. The present study adopts an analytical–critical approach to examine the principal issues in Homay’s correction, focusing on manuscript studies, editorial principles, and textual variants. Furthermore, the study seeks to clarify some of these problems by using both the manuscripts available to Homay and newly discovered manuscripts. The findings indicate that the diversity of Nasihat al-Muluk manuscripts in terms of structure, transmission, and lineage, together with the scarcity of early and reliably dated manuscripts, played a major role in the textual problems observed in Homay’s correction. Consequently, although Homay claimed to follow a “base manuscript” approach, in practice, he adopted a heterogeneous and eclectic method. The study concludes that access to newly discovered manuscripts can resolve some textual ambiguities and illuminate the historical development of the text, highlighting the scholarly necessity of producing a new critical correction. Keywords: Nasihat al-Muluk; Critical Correction; Eclectic Editing; Newly Discovered Manuscripts; Jalal al-Din Homay; Abu Hamid al-Ghazali Introduction Jalal al-Din Homay edited Nasihat al-Muluk twice. His first correction was based on a single, incomplete, and corrupted manuscript. After obtaining six additional manuscripts, Homay prepared a second correction, published in 1972/1351 AH. Nevertheless, this second correction also suffers from various textual and methodological issues. The introduction is overly extensive and includes unnecessary discussions; it lacks a coherent critical commentary and instead offers scattered footnotes, while the indices and tables remain incomplete. The editorial method itself also requires careful examination. The main research question of this study is how these deficiencies and textual problems emerged and what strategies can be adopted to address them. To answer this question, the authors analyze Homay’s manuscripts and editorial procedures in detail. It appears that the diversity of Nasihat al-Muluk manuscripts in structure and lineage, together with the absence of reliable early witnesses, were major factors contributing to these problems. This situation compelled Homay to adopt an eclectic approach in practice, despite his claim that he intended to follow a base-manuscript method (Ghazali, 1972, p. 39). To date, no comprehensive and independent study has systematically examined the manuscripts of Nasihat al-Muluk or critically evaluated Homay’s editorial method. Zarrinkoob, in Farar az Madreseh, briefly referred to certain deficiencies in Homay’s manuscripts, but his remarks are scattered and do not constitute a structured analysis. In the field of editing Nasihat al-Muluk, Homay’s work remains the most influential reference, and most subsequent studies continue to rely heavily on his corrections. Materials and Methods This research adopts an analytical–descriptive approach based on library sources. In addition to examining Homay’s editorial method in the second correction (1972/1351 AH), the authors consulted the manuscripts used by Homay, the text of al-Tibr al-Masbuk, and several newly discovered manuscripts. The aim was to trace the origins of specific textual ambiguities and to assess the extent to which the existing correction conforms to accepted principles of critical editing. Selected examples of these analyses are presented in the section on textual issues and ambiguities. Research Findings In his first correction, Homay relied on a single manuscript containing both parts of the text. Later examination of newly discovered manuscripts revealed that some copies of Nasihat al-Muluk contain only the first part, while others include both parts—a situation also reflected in the Arabic versions. Moreover, the manuscripts vary significantly in terms of transmission and genealogical relationships. In the second correction, Homay used seven Persian and three Arabic manuscripts, yet he made several errors in identifying and dating them. For instance, the «صو» manuscript, contrary to Homay’s claim, does not belong to the 7th or 8th centuries but appears to be an independent copy from the 10th or 11th century. The «نو» manuscript is not dated 853 AH, as Homay suggested, and evidence points to a later date. Similarly, palaeographical analysis of the «مص» manuscript indicates a later period than that proposed by the editor. Overall, only two early dated manuscripts—«فا» (709 AH) and «صو» (863 AH)—were available to Homay. This heavy reliance on undated or late manuscripts significantly influenced textual readings and undermined the consistency of the editorial method. Discussion of Results and Conclusions One of the main challenges in editing Nasihat al-Muluk lies in the absence of manuscripts close to the author’s lifetime and the considerable diversity among existing copies in structure and lineage. Although the present authors also lack access to very early manuscripts, the newly discovered materials allow for the revision of certain readings and a clearer reconstruction of the genealogical relationships among the manuscripts. Analysis of textual samples demonstrates that the failure to adhere strictly to a base manuscript, combined with an eclectic approach, occasionally resulted in inconsistencies and ambiguities in the text. Given the shortcomings of the existing correction and the availability of new manuscript evidence, the production of a new critical correction of Nasihat al-Muluk is academically necessary. Such a correction, based on more systematic and methodologically rigorous sources, would contribute both to improving the textual reliability of the work and to a more accurate understanding of its historical development and authenticity. نصیحة‌الملوک یکی از معدود آثار فارسیِ ابوحامد محمد غزالی (متوفی: ۵۰۵ق.) است که موضوعی کم‌نظیر در میان آثار غزالی دارد و در بررسی سیر اندیشۀ سیاسی او همواره مورد توجه بوده است. جلال‌الدین همایی دو بار این اثر را در سال‌های ۷- ۱۳۱۵ و ۱۳۵۱ش. تصحیح کرد؛ بار اوّل از روی تک‌نسخه‌ای نونویس و مغلوط و بار دوم با استفاده از هفت نسخه. همایی خود از چاپ اوّل راضی نبود و ازاین‌رو، دست به تصحیح دوبارۀ اثر زد. با این همه دومین تصحیح نیز از اشکالات در «متن» و «روش تصحیح» برکنار نمانده است. او در مقابلۀ نسخ، روشی التقاطی را برگزید؛ درحالی‌که از گفته‌های او در مقدمه برمی‌آید که روش او «نسخه اساس» است. در این روش، یک‌‌دست عمل نکرده و همین امر باعث بروز ابهاماتی در متن شده است. تنوع دست‌نویس‌‌های کتاب، از دشواری‌های اصلی تصحیح این اثر است؛ ساختار دوبخشی کتاب به تنوع نسخه‌ها از نظر تک‌بخشی و دوبخشی بودن انجامیده و تحریرهای متفاوتی را ایجاد کرده است. در این میان، نسخه‌های کهنِ نزدیک به حیات مؤلف نیز وجود ندارد. این پژوهش، ابتدا به بررسی اشکالات چاپ دوم نصیحة‌الملوک در زمینۀ «معرفی، اعتبارسنجی و به‌کارگیری نسخ»، «روش تصحیح» و «ضبط‌ها» می‌پردازد و در ادامه تلاش می‌کند تا با استفاده از همان نسخه‌های در دسترس همایی و مراجعه به نسخه‌های تازه به‌دست آمده، برخی ابهامات را رفع کند و ضروت تصحیح دوبارۀ اثر را نشان دهد.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30244_1a42527f3607ee00289f944ee15f1a20.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان متن شناسی ادب فارسی 2476-3268 18 3 2026 08 23 Discourse Analysis of the Iranshahri Discourse in Manuchehri Damghani’s Divan تحلیل گفتمانِ ایران‌شهری در دیوان منوچهری دامغانی 103 122 30240 10.22108/rpll.2026.147272.2520 FA اسماعیل علی‌پور استادیار گروه آموزشی زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بجنورد، بجنورد، ایران Journal Article 2025 10 31 Abstract This study adopts an integrated framework of semiotics and discourse analysis, informed by Michel Foucault’s concepts of resemblance, recognition of the other, and quiproquo, to examine the representation and reproduction of the Iranshahri discourse in the Divan of Manuchehri Damghani (d. 432 AH), a major panegyric poet of the Ghaznavid period. The research identifies and categorizes semiotic systems of Iranian national identity into seven principal codes: Iranian geography, mythical figures, historical kings, Iranian festivals and rituals, the Iranian calendar, Iranian music, and other cultural signs (including language, games, and symbolic animals). A quantitative analysis of 402 instances across 216 verses demonstrates that Iranian music (107 cases), Iranian geography (79 cases), and the Iranian calendar (76) are the most frequently employed codes. The study argues that Manuchehri, writing in a political and cultural environment dominated by non-Iranian (Turkic) rulers and competing Islamic discourses, strategically reactivated pre-Islamic Iranian sign systems. This discursive reconstruction served four main functions: 1) reviving Iranian national identity; 2) mapping a symbolic “cultural Iran” grounded in territorial imagination; 3) legitimizing non-Iranian rulers by adorning them with Iranian ethical archetypes; and 4) defending the Persian language as a core marker of cultural selfhood. Consequently, Manuchehri emerges as a pioneering figure in articulating the Iranshahri discourse within panegyric poetry and in ensuring the continuity of Iranian identity in the early Islamic period. Keywords: Manuchehri Damghani; Iranshahri; Semiotics; Discourse Analysis. Introduction Persian literature of the early Islamic centuries functioned as a crucial site for the construction and negotiation of Iranian cultural identity. In this period, “Iran” was not merely a geographical designation but a symbolic construct shaped by mythological, historical, and cultural memory. Court poets of the Samanid and Ghaznavid eras, including Manuchehri Damghani (d. 432 AH/1040 CE), played a central role in sustaining this memory through the creative reactivation of Iranian sign systems. Although Manuchehri is traditionally known for his nature poetry, Arabic stylistic influences, and hedonistic imagery, this study contends that his Divan is deeply permeated by the Iranshahri discourse. The term Iranshahri refers to a civilizational discourse rooted in pre-Islamic Iranian identity, emphasizing mythology, kingship, ethical ideals, and cultural self-definition in contrast to the aniran (non-Iranian). This research goes beyond earlier descriptive studies by employing a combined semiotic–discursive methodology. It seeks to answer two main research questions: 1) Which semiotic systems reproduce the Iranshahri discourse in Manuchehri’s poetry? And 2) What ideological functions do these systems perform? Materials and Methods The primary corpus of this research is the complete Divan of Manuchehri Damghani. The theoretical framework integrates classical semiotics (Saussure and Peirce) with Foucault’s discourse theory. Foucault’s concept of resemblance is particularly significant. In History of Madness, he describes how an artificial social environment is constructed through signs, simulating reality within a confined space. Similarly, Manuchehri reconstructs the symbolic world of pre-Islamic Iran within the dominant discourse of the Ghaznavid court. Through poetic simulation, he creates a psychologically “real” cultural space for Iranian identity. Foucault’s notions of recognition of the other and quiproquo are also applied to verses in which Manuchehri appears to diminish Iranian heroes. Such rhetorical exaggerations paradoxically reinforce the symbolic authority of these figures by treating them as universal standards of comparison. Methodologically, the study first identified all verses containing Iranian cultural signs. These 402 instances were categorized into seven semiotic codes and subsequently analyzed through qualitative discourse analysis. Research Findings Geography and Territory: Manuchehri consistently presents Iran as a unified and expansive realm extending from China to the Mediterranean. This imagined geography reflects the Sassanian worldview rather than contemporary political realities, thereby constructing a symbolic “cultural Iran”. Mythical and Historical Figures: Figures such as Rostam, Fereydun, and Anushirvan function as ethical archetypes. By comparing his patrons to these heroes, Manuchehri not only flatters rulers but institutionalizes Iranian models of kingship as normative political ideals. Festivals and Calendar: Nowruz, Mehregan, and Sadeh are reactivated as symbolic centers of collective memory. These festivals structure a distinctly Iranian temporal rhythm that reinforces cultural continuity. Iranian Music: Musical references operate as cultural resistance, political performance, naturalized identity, and collective memory. Music becomes a living archive of Iranian civilization. Persian Language: In explicitly choosing Persian over Arabic, Manuchehri asserts linguistic selfhood. Persian becomes not merely a medium of expression but a symbol of national identity. Discussion of Results and Conclusions Considering the results of the present study, it can be said that Manuchehri’s Divan constitutes a systematic project of cultural reconstruction. Through semiotic simulation, he revitalizes the Iranshahri discourse within the political space of the Ghaznavid court. This discourse performs three essential functions: Cultural Revival: Reconstructing Iranian identity and territorial memory. Political Ethicalization: Educating rulers through Iranian models of kingship. Linguistic Defense: Affirming Persian as the core carrier of cultural meaning. Thus, Manuchehri transcends the role of court flatterer or nature poet. He emerges as a cultural strategist who used literature as a medium for identity preservation and political negotiation. His poetry demonstrates how semiotic systems can ensure cultural continuity and national survival across historical ruptures. ایران‌شهری یکی از گفتمان‌های هویت‌سازِ سروده‌های شاعران درباری سده‌های چهار و پنج هجری است. منوچهری دامغانی، از شاعران شاخص عصر غزنوی، در دیوان خود تصویری چندلایه از «ایران» ارائه می‌دهد که با ملیت، اسطوره، تاریخ و فرهنگ گره خورده‌ است. این مقاله با گزینش بیت‌هایی از دیوان منوچهری که مضامین ایران‌گرایانه دارد و نیز با استخراج و رده‌بندیِ نظامِ نشانه‌ها (رمزگان‌های) هویت ملی و بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل گفتمان، به بررسی چگونگیِ بازنمایی و بازتولید گفتمان ایران‌شهری در شعر منوچهری می‌پردازد. پرسش‌های اصلی پژوهش این است: ایران چگونه در دیوان منوچهری دامغانی بازنمایی شده است؟ و این بازنمایی حامل چه مؤلفه‌های گفتمانی است؟ این مقاله می‌کوشد تا لایه‌های گوناگون این گفتمان را بکاود و جایگاه آن را در فضای فرهنگی دوران غزنوی تحلیل کند. منوچهری، گفتمان ایران‌شهری را با رمزگان‌های هفت‌گانۀ «جغرافیای ایرانی، شخصیت‌های اسطوره‌ای، شخصیت‌های تاریخی، جشن‌ها و آیین‌های ایرانی، گاه‌شمارِ ایرانی، موسیقی ایرانی و رمزگان‌های دیگر» بازتولید می‌کند. بازتولید گفتمان ایران‌شهری در دیوان منوچهری، چهار کارکرد دارد: یکی، احیای گفتمانِ هویّت ملّی و فرهنگ ایرانی؛ دوم، طراحیِ نقشۀ ایرانِ فرهنگی با پیرنگِ هویّت سرزمینی؛ سوم، آراستنِ ممدوحان به اخلاق و آدابِ شخصیت‌های ایرانی و نهادینه‌کردن کنش‌های شایسته و بایسته در شخصیت فرمانروایان غیرایرانی؛ چهارم، پشتیبانی از زبان فارسی به‌عنوان نمادی از خودی و هویت ایرانی در برابر هجمۀ زبان عربی و ورود لغات ترکی. تحلیل محتوا نشان‌می‌دهد که منوچهری با تکیه بر جلوه‌های فرهنگ ایرانی، نقش مهمی در احیای هویت ملی ایرانیان پس از اسلام ایفا کرده است و در خطِ تداوم گفتمانی است که ایران را سرزمینی ورجاوند و فرهمند بازنمایی می‌کند. به این اعتبار منوچهری را می‌توان از پیشروان گفتمان ایران‌شهری در قصیده‌های ستایشی معرفی کرد.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30240_4f9bcbbbaed99b7ae7e616d5486098b4.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان متن شناسی ادب فارسی 2476-3268 18 3 2026 08 23 Textual Analysis of the Masnavi Lu'lu' Maknun, Laili, wa Majnun, a Newly Discovered Poem by Ali Gilani from the Tenth Century AH تحلیل متن‌شناختی مثنوی «لؤلؤ مکنون و لیلی و مجنون»، سروده‌ای نوشناخته از علی گیلانی در قرن دهم هجری قمری 123 146 30329 10.22108/rpll.2026.146882.2509 FA ابوالفضل مرادی استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه فرهنگیان، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 10 04 Abstract The masnavi Lu’lu’ Maknūn wa Laylī wa Majnūn, composed by ʿAlī Gīlānī—a largely overlooked poet of the tenth century AH—represents a significant yet neglected work in Persian love-mystical literature. To date, it has not received an independent critical edition nor a comprehensive scholarly analysis. This poem exhibits distinct linguistic, structural, semantic, and stylistic features that differentiate it from other nazīra (imitative) compositions within the Laylī and Majnūn tradition. This study aims to conduct a multi-layered textual analysis of the work, encompassing lexical, syntactic-rhetorical, semantic, and intellectual dimensions, to elucidate its literary, mystical, and cultural significance. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, the research relies on close and comparative reading of the text, consultation of historical and literary sources, and examination of its rhetorical devices. The findings reveal that Gīlānī utilizes the framework of a love narrative to present a mystical interpretation of love, where earthly and divine passions are intricately intertwined. The poem’s multilayered language, blending Persian and Arabic vocabulary, technical terminology, and rhetorical devices such as allusion, metaphor, paradox, and dialogue, transforms the text into a dynamic, intertextual, and symbolically rich artifact. While drawing upon earlier literary traditions, the masnavi introduces subtle innovations that situate the reader within the continuity of Persian amorous poetry while offering a renewed perspective on lyrical-mystical literature. As the first step toward a systematic rereading of this work, this study seeks to establish ʿAlī Gīlānī’s contribution to Persian love-mystical poetry and open new avenues for the study of neglected texts in the Persian literary corpus. Keywords: Masnavi Composition, Ali Gilani, Lu’lu’ Maknūn, Leyli wa Majnoon. Introduction Romantic narrative literature is one of the oldest branches of literature, playing a significant role in reflecting emotions and social values across various cultures and civilizations. In Persian literature, the story of Laylī and Majnūn serves not merely as a tale of earthly love, but as a symbol of divine love and mysticism, having been reinterpreted numerous times by various poets. During the Safavid era, many Persian-speaking poets residing in Ottoman territories became standard-bearers of the Persian language and literature, creating luminous works. ʿAlī Gīlānī is among these poets; by integrating religious, mystical, and romantic themes, he composed the masnavi Lu’lu’ Maknūn and Laylī wa Majnūn. Through a multilayered language and diverse poetic structures, he crafted a dynamic work deeply connected to literary traditions. By employing rhetorical devices alongside religious and mystical elements, the poem invites the reader on a spiritual and interpretive journey into its deeper layers of meaning. The work’s language combines the traditions of lyrical literature with the poet’s innovations in this field, creating a fresh voice in romantic literature. Studying this work provides a deeper understanding of the evolution of the romantic genre and the connection between earthly and divine love in Persian literature, while also establishing ʿAlī Gīlānī’s place in the history of love-mystical literature. Materials and Methods This research adopts a qualitative, text-centered methodology grounded in close reading and content analysis. The primary source is the sole surviving manuscript of Gīlānī’s Laylī va Majnūn, preserved in the Manuscripts Library of the Faculty of Theology at Istanbul University. Codicological and paleographical features were examined to establish the manuscript’s historical context and authenticity. Subsequently, linguistic, stylistic, rhetorical, and thematic elements were systematically analyzed. Special attention was given to Qur’anic allusions, hadith citations, mystical terminology, and poetic innovations, contextualized through relevant secondary sources. Research Findings The analysis reveals a deliberate convergence of love, religion, and mysticism, characterized by: The centrality of prophetic love as the supreme spiritual ideal. Functional integration of Qur’anic verses, hadiths, divine names, and Shi‘i symbols. A multilayered linguistic system combining Persian, Arabic, archaic forms, dialectal elements, and neologisms. Formal innovation through the incorporation of ghazals and quatrains. A dense rhetorical structure transforming romantic imagery into mystical meaning. The masnavi Lu’lu’ Maknūn wa Laylī wa Majnūn by ʿAlī Gīlānī cannot be confined merely to the framework of a lyrical love poem. On a deeper level, it serves as a manifestation of the deliberate and purposeful coexistence of romantic literature, mystical thought, religious discourse, and Iranian-Islamic cultural tradition within the intellectual context of the tenth century AH. Utilizing the well-known narrative pattern of Laylī and Majnūn, Gīlānī crafts a text in which the narrative of earthly love gradually elevates to an allegorical and epistemological plane. Love is reinterpreted as a metaphor for spiritual progression and the movement from multiplicity to unity. The work’s structure is consciously designed to be multilayered and expansive in meaning. It features a narrative layer that advances the romantic story; a mystical layer that highlights concepts such as annihilation (fanā’), tribulation (ibtalā’), patience (ṣabr’), and longing (shawq’); and a religious layer that grounds the text within theological and ethical discourse through divine praise, supplication, panegyrics to the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), and Qur’anic and hadithic allusions. These components are not merely decorative; they serve a structural and meaning-generating function, steering the reading of the work from an individual tale toward a collective, educational, and knowledge-producing experience. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of this study reveal that ʿAlī Gīlānī’s love for the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), regarded as the highest form of sacred and divine love, holds a central and structural position within the Laylī and Majnūn masnavi. Although this conception of love has a precedent in Persian literary and mystical traditions, Gīlānī adopts a personal, emotional, yet consciously deliberate approach, transforming it into a meaning-generating element throughout the entire work. The continuous presence of panegyrics, supplications, and religious allusions not only expresses poetic devotion but also signifies an allegorical link between earthly and divine love—a connection in which the human romantic experience finds its meaning in the light of prophetic love, thereby elevating to an educational and spiritual horizon. Thus, Gīlānī’s consistent emphasis on the love of the Prophet deepens the mystical and ethical layers of the work, guiding the reader from individual sentiment toward spiritual self-awareness. This feature highlights the intellectual and artistic distinction of Gīlānī within the tradition of Persian romantic poetry. From a linguistic perspective, Gīlānī’s masnavi possesses a dynamic, multilayered system organized purposefully at lexical, syntactic, and semantic levels. The calculated integration of Persian and Arabic elements, both at the word and sentence structure levels, along with the inclusion of a complete ghazal in Arabic, is not merely a display of the poet’s linguistic skill. Rather, it demonstrates his awareness of the discursive and semantic functions of both languages in meaning production. The use of obsolete and local vocabulary alongside innovative compound formations bridges linguistic tradition with individual creativity, thereby preserving the text’s historical authenticity while creating new capacities for meaning-making. Furthermore, the application of phonetic markers and native suffixes gives the language an auditory and tangible quality, strengthening the text’s local identity and enhancing its communicative bond with the contemporary audience and lived cultural context. Gīlānī also demonstrates that his text is rich not only linguistically and rhetorically but also culturally and scientifically, by employing technical terms and specialized vocabulary from fields such as music, astronomy, and chess. This diversity, combined with structural and lexical innovations, transforms the masnavi into a multilayered, meaning-oriented, and intertextual work. Consequently, it is suitable for analysis in the fields of historical linguistics and semantics, while holding particular significance for studies in mysticism and cultural history. At the level of poetic structure and musicality, the calculated variety of forms—from masnavi to ghazal and quatrain—along with the conscious use of classical meters such as mafāʿīlun faʿūlun and the Hazaj Musaddas Akhrab Maqṣūr Maḥḍūf rhythm, reflects a coherent bond between form and meaning. These metrical choices not only demonstrate the poet’s technical mastery of classical prosody but also serve a meaning-generating function, aligning with the emotional and narrative developments of the text. Metrical variations and the targeted insertion of local vocabulary at specific moments, by reinforcing the poem’s internal music, highlight the intensity of romantic and mystical emotions. This allows the poet to represent the lover’s spiritual experiences in an auditory and impactful form. At the rhetorical and stylistic level, the masnavi employs a dense and purposeful network of allegory, simile, metaphor, metonymy, allusion, and paradox. Their function extends beyond mere linguistic ornamentation or aesthetic appeal. These figures of speech are the poet’s primary tools for objectifying complex mystical experiences and the lover’s psychological states, facilitating the conveyance of concepts that are difficult to express directly in ordinary language. Simple and composite similes and allegories, such as "the candle in the fire" or "the bird in the trap," not only depict the lover’s intense suffering and longing but also make the path of spiritual progression, tribulation, and self-sacrifice tangible and perceptible. Metaphors and metonymies, by creating nested semantic layers, transform the text into a hermeneutic space that invites the reader to actively participate in the meaning-making process. Qur’anic, hadithic, and literary allusions, in addition to strengthening the work’s connection to religious tradition and the preceding literary heritage, expand the semantic horizon of the masnavi, placing the romantic narrative within a sacred and supra-personal framework. In this context, the use of paradoxes such as "ice that is heated" illustrates the paradoxical states of the lover on the path of spiritual progression—a state in which suffering and joy, annihilation and subsistence, and burning and soaring coexist. Thus, the stages of the lover’s inner transformation are highlighted through a profound and rhetorical lens. مثنوی لؤلؤ مکنون و لیلی و مجنون سرودۀ علی گیلانی، شاعر ناشناختۀ قرن دهم هجری، یکی از نمونه‌های نادیده‌گرفته‌شدۀ ادبیات عاشقانه – عرفانی فارسی است که تاکنون نه تصحیح انتقادی مستقلی یافته و نه بررسی جامع و تحلیلی شده است. این اثر، از نظر زبان، ساختار، معنا و سبک، ویژگی‌هایی دارد که آن را از دیگر نظیره‌های لیلی و مجنون متمایز می‌سازد. هدف این پژوهش، تحلیل متن‌شناختی این منظومه در لایه‌های مختلف زبان، اعم از واژگانی، نحوی بلاغی، معنایی و فکری است تا ظرفیت‌های ادبی، عرفانی و فرهنگی آن به شکلی علمی و مستند روشن شود. روش پژوهش توصیفی‌تحلیلی و مبتنی بر خوانش دقیق و تطبیقی متن، بهره‌گیری از منابع تاریخی، ادبی و بلاغی، و تحلیل عناصر سبکی و معنایی است. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که گیلانی در قالب یک روایت عاشقانه، تجربه‌ای عرفانی و تأویلی از عشق ارائه می‌دهد که در آن عشق زمینی و عشق الهی در هم تنیده‌اند. زبان چندلایه، ترکیب واژگان فارسی و عربی، کاربرد اصطلاحات علمی، و بهره‌گیری از آرایه‌هایی چون تلمیح، استعاره، تناقض‌نما، مناظره و غیره این سروده را به متنی پویا، میان‌متنی و رمزآلود بدل کرده است. منظومه با اتکای به سنت‌های پیشنیان در این حوزه و سعی بر ارائۀ نوآوری‌هایی هرچند اندک، فضایی خلق می‌کند که خواننده را هم‌زمان در استمرار سنت عاشقانه‌سرایی فارسی با چشم اندازی جدید در حوزه ادبیات غنایی وعرفانی آشنا می‌نماید. این پژوهش به‌عنوان نخستین گام در بازخوانی این اثر، تلاش دارد سهم علی گیلانی در گسترش ادبیات عاشقانه –عرفانی فارسی را تثبیت کند و افقی تازه برای مطالعات متون مغفول‌ماندۀ ادبیات غنایی بگشاید.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30329_7fe96a9ae5ea48a45cc0a800e15022fc.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان متن شناسی ادب فارسی 2476-3268 18 3 2026 08 23 Explanations on the Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh (Siyahposh's Scroll) توضیحاتی دربارۀ تعلیقات طومار نقّالی شاهنامه (طومار سیاهپوش) 147 166 30302 10.22108/rpll.2026.147514.2528 FA عباس پارساطلب دکترای تخصصی زبان وادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ زبان وادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 11 24 Abstract The Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh (Siyahposh's Scroll) is one of the most significant written scrolls in the Persian tradition. The term "written scrolls" refers to manuscripts prepared in formal script for the study of literate individuals and the nobility, indicating that their audience was not limited to ordinary or lower-class members of society. Accordingly, the publication of such scrolls must be undertaken with rigorous critical methodology and in adherence to proper scholarly standards. Furthermore, the task of writing explanatory notes and annotations for these scrolls requires specialized expertise, achievable through consulting dictionaries, analyzing the style and language of folk texts, and drawing upon other scroll manuscripts. Sajjad Aydenloo has produced a critical edition of Siyahposh's Scroll with this very objective and has also provided annotations for the work. Although three articles have so far been published critiquing Siyahposh's Scroll, none have examined Aydenloo's annotations in detail or comprehensively. The present study, therefore, seeks to analyze and evaluate the commentary on Siyahposh's Scroll using a descriptive-analytical method and library resources. The research demonstrates that Aydenloo's annotations are flawed in several instances and require revision. Most of these errors stem from unfamiliarity with the words and terminology of the scroll or a failure to consult relevant dictionaries. Keywords: Aydenloo, Explanations, Siyahposh, Scroll, Criticism. Introduction The Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh (Siyahposh's Scroll) is the oldest historical scroll that has survived to the present day. Sajjad Aydenloo, the editor of the scroll, chose the title The Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh for the book due to the anonymity of the original manuscript. The manuscript was copied by Abu al-Qasim ibn Badr al-Din Mohammad Siyahposh and bears the date 1135 AH. Aydenloo has provided detailed and comprehensive introductions at the beginning of the book concerning the nature of scrolls in general, as well as the specific features of this manuscript. In addition, the commentary section of the book includes nearly thirty pages of notes elucidating ambiguous and difficult passages. However, several of these notes are incorrect and require correction. Most of these inaccuracies arise from unfamiliarity with the scroll's vocabulary and terminology or from insufficient consultation of dictionaries. Moreover, some of the editor's annotations remain incomplete and fail to assist the reader in achieving a clear understanding of the text. In certain instances, the editor's explanations are fundamentally erroneous due to misreadings of the manuscript and should either be deleted or revised. It should be noted that this research focuses exclusively on examining and critiquing the book's annotations and does not address the broader issues of textual criticism or the analysis of the scroll's content. Materials and Methods To the best of the author's knowledge, three articles have so far been published critiquing Siyahposh's Scroll. However, none of these have undertaken a detailed and comprehensive review of Aydenloo's annotations. Accordingly, the present author has examined and critiqued Aydenloo's notes across 34 specific entries. The author's approach has been to quote the relevant passage from the scroll at the beginning of each section, followed by Aydenloo's explanation of the ambiguous or difficult portions, identified by the keyword "explanation" (توضیحات). Subsequently, the author refutes or modifies Aydenloo's interpretation by presenting arguments and supporting evidence—frequently drawn from folk texts and other naqqali scrolls. In some cases, additional passages from the same scroll are cited as corroborative examples. Where the editor has misread the manuscript, images of the original have been included to enable readers to reach their own informed conclusions. It is worth mentioning that the author has organized these notes according to the page numbers of the scroll text and, in some instances, has inserted the keyword "criticism" (نقد و نظر) after Aydenloo's explanation to enhance clarity. Research Findings In this study, the author has corrected the definitions of several words and terms found in the scroll by consulting dictionaries, folk texts, and the Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh itself, as well as by applying his own analytical judgment. Additionally, the editor's ambiguous or incomplete explanations, along with his misreadings of the manuscript, have been re-examined. Through these clarifications, the author has endeavored to resolve the ambiguities and provide a clearer understanding of the problematic passages. In cases of textual misreading, reference to the original manuscript has been made to suggest appropriate corrections. Discussion of Results and Conclusion Through a careful examination and evaluation of Aydenloo's annotations on Siyahposh's Scroll, the present author has concluded that several of the explanations provided in the commentary section require revision and correction. A summary of these findings is as follows: "Mortezā's face was like a garden" means that his face was beautiful and adorned with radiance. In the passage "پس آن شب برآمد چون آفتاب تاب سر از مشرق برآورد" (Pas ān shab barāmad chon āftāb tāb sar az mashregh barāvard), the word "عالم" (Ālam, "world") or "جهان" (Jahān) has been omitted: "چون آفتابِ [عالم/جهان] تاب سر از مشرق برآورد" (chon āftāb-e [Ālam/Jahān] tāb sar az mashregh barāvard). In the compound "لکّه سپر" (Lakke-ye Separ), the word "ابر" (Abr, "cloud") has been omitted by the scribe. The intended form is "لکّه ابرِ سپر" (Lakke-ye Abr-e Separ, "cloud-like mark on the shield"), commonly found in texts as "ابرِ سپر" (Abr-e Separ, figurative genitive construction). The narrator or scribe has likened the curve and twist of the arrow to a frightened and wailing person. The compound "خشک‌بند" (khoshk-band) is recorded in dictionaries and refers to closing a wound with a dry medicament or a dry cloth. The sources of the verses on page 344 of the scroll are Hāṭefi Jami's Timur-nāma, Ghasemi Gonabadi's Shah Ismail Nameh, and Asadi Tusi's Garshasb-Nameh. "گرگ جولان" (Gorg-jolān) is incorrect; the correct form is "کرگ‌جولان" (Karg-jolān). In folk texts, demons, sorcerers, and brave, mighty warriors are often depicted entering the battlefield mounted on rhinoceroses. The word "واقع" (Vāghe) can be interpreted in two ways here: it may be used in the sense of "واقعه" (Vāgheʾe, "event, vision"), referring to the world of dreams, or it may mean "the middle of something". "ضربگه ضربی" (Zarbgah Zarbi) functions adverbially here and means "instantaneously, in the twinkling of an eye". The word "تک" (tak) in dictionaries denotes "bottom, depth, or the abyss of something". The phrase "از رنج راه رسیدن" (Az ranj-e rah residan) was apparently originally "راه‌رنج پرسیدن" (rah-ranj porsidan, "to inquire about the hardships of the journey"). The use of "ترتیب کردن" (tartib kardan) in the sense of "providing the foundations for growth" reflects a stylistic characteristic of the narrator or scribe of the scroll. The term "بسته شدن صف" (baste shodan-e saf) or "بند آمدنِ صف" (band āmadan-e saf) is used when all the warriors of an army have been captured or killed in hand-to-hand combat, and no renowned champion remains in that army to enter the battlefield and engage in single combat with the opponents. "شبرنگ چهر دیو کردار" (Shabrang-e chehr-e div-kerdār) is incorrect; the correct form is "شبِ زنگی‌چهرِ دیوکردار" (Shab-e zangi-chehr-e div-kerdār). In the phrase "از آلایش طعام برداشتند" (Az ālāyesh-e taʾam bardāshtand), the word "دست" (dast, "hand") has been omitted by the scribe: "[دست] از آلایش طعام برداشتند" ([Dast] az ālāyesh-e taʾam bardāshtand). The phrase "یا احد قدیم صمد فرد واجب‌التعظیم سر آواز حمد خدای کریم" (Ya Ahad Qadim Samad Fard vajeb al-Ta'zim Sar Awāz Hamd Khodāy Karim) is rhymed and should be edited with appropriate diacritical marks. "کوروی گوزن" (Koroy Gavazn) is incorrect; the correct form is "گور و گوزن" (Gor va Gavazn). Simorgh's meaning in the passage "باید که سه گاو کوهی بزنی و پوست او را از انبان بیرون کنی و پر آب سازی" (Bāyad ke se gāv-e kohi bezani va post-e o' rā az anbān biron koni va por āb sāzi) is that one must hunt mountain cows in such a way that their skins can be used to fill with water to quench thirst. "بال رسیدن" (Bāl residan) is incorrect; the correct form is "وبال رسیدن" (Vabal residan), meaning "to suffer hardship and difficulty". "صف‌گیر شدن" (Saf-gir shodan) is another form of the compound "صف بسته شدن" (saf baste shodan). "با منّت عمود" (Bā mennat-e amod) means to strike someone with a mace and not with another weapon. The term "طرح کردن" (Tarh kardan) here does not convey contempt but rather expresses anger and irritation mixed with annoyance. "نماز شایست" (Namaz-e shayest) is incorrect; the correct form is "نماز شا[م] بست (: بیست) هزار کس را" (Namaz-e Sha[m] Best (: bist) hezār kas rā). The phrase "و زبان را بازوی خود بگشاد" (va zabān rā bāzo-ye khod bogshād) is a well-known expression used by warriors when addressing an opponent on the battlefield. It means that boasting and exaggeration have gone on long enough; if you truly possess courage, stop speaking and demonstrate your strength and power. The phrase "پرسش کردن" (porsesh kardan) is used in the sense of "seeking news and information about someone or something". The term "سر به گردن کردن" (sar b-e gardan kardan) refers to abandoning someone and refusing to accept any obligation or responsibility toward him. This is the same expression "سر به گردن کردن" (sar b-e gardan kardan) and does not mean "resourcefulness". Here, "مجرّد" (mojarrad) functions as an adverb of time and means "immediately, without delay". "ترازو شدن تیر" (tarāzo shodan-e tir) means that half of the arrow protrudes from or passes through the target. The use of "به نظر انداخت" (Be nazar andākht) is incorrect; the correct form is "به نظر نداشت" (Be nazar nadāsht). In this manuscript, "به نظر" (Be nazar) is used in the sense of "symmetry" or "resemblance". "غرقه" (Ghargheh) is derived from the Turkish word "غَبْرُقه" (Ghabrogheh), meaning "flank and rib"; the scribe has omitted the letter "b" in the manuscript. "سر گوش کردن" (Sar gosh kardan) means to speak to each other confidentially and quietly. "دوربین" (Dorbin) here refers to "چشمِ دوربینِ فلک" (chashm-e dorbin-e falak, "the far-seeing eye of heaven"). The term "عنان‌ریز" (Enan-riz) here, in addition to conveying the concept of "moving with speed and urgency", also implies "moving shoulder to shoulder, collectively". طومار نقّالی شاهنامه (طومار سیاهپوش) یکی از مهم‌ترین طومارهای مکتوب به‌شمار می‌رود. منظور از طومار مکتوب در اینجا طومارهایی است که با نوشتار رسمی برای مطالعۀ افراد باسواد و اشراف نوشته می‌شده است؛ ازین‌روی باید دانست که مخاطب این طومارها صرفاً مردم عادی و فرودست جامعه نبوده است؛ با این توضیح می‌توان گفت چاپ طومارهای مکتوب باید به‌صورت کاملاً انتقادی و برابر با موازین درستِ علمی انجام بگیرد. افزون بر این، نوشتن توضیحات و تعلیقاتِ متن طومارها نیز، امری تخصّصی بوده و انجامِ این مهم با مراجعه به لغت‌نامه‌ها، توجّه به سبک و زبان متونِ عامیانه و بهره‌گیری از متن دیگر طومارها امکان‌پذیر است. گفتنی است سجّاد آیدنلو طومار سیاهپوش را با همین نیّت تصحیح کرده و یادداشت‌هایی نیز برای این اثر فراهم کرده است. اگرچه تاکنون سه مقاله در نقد طومار سیاهپوش نوشته شده، در هیچ‌کدام از این مقالات، تعلیقاتِ آیدنلو به‌صورت مفصّل و جامع بررسی و نقد نشده است؛ بنابراین، نگارنده در این مقاله سعی دارد با روش توصیفی‌تحلیلی و با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه‌ای، به بررسی و ارزیابی تعلیقاتِ طومار سیاهپوش بپردازد. بررسی‌ها نشان می‌دهد که تعلیقات آیدنلو در پاره‌ای از موارد، ایراد و نیاز به بازنگری مجدّد دارد. عمدۀ این اشتباهات به دلیلِ ناشناختگی لغات و اصطلاحات طومارِ مزبور یا رجوع‌نکردن به فرهنگ‌های لغت بوده است.

https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30302_814c2ebb93ed68f207b6e290499ebcab.pdf