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    <title>Textual Criticism of Persian Literature</title>
    <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/</link>
    <description>Textual Criticism of Persian Literature</description>
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    <pubDate>Sat, 21 Mar 2026 00:00:00 +0330</pubDate>
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      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30330.html</link>
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      <title>Konuz al-Haqa'iq fi Rumuz al-Daqa'iq: A Philosophical, Mystical, and Ethical Mathnawi by Taj al-Din Husayn Khwarazmi</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29905.html</link>
      <description>Abstract&#13;
Konuz al-Haqa'iq fi Rumuz al-Daqa'iq (Treasures of Truths in the Symbols of Subtleties) is a significant philosophical, mystical, and ethical mathnawi (didactic poem in rhyming couplets) composed by Taj al-Din (also known as Kamal al-Din) Husayn bin Hasan Khwarazmi (770-841 AH/1368-1437 CE). The current study presents the first critical edition of this work, based solely on the unique manuscript preserved in the Topkapi Palace Museum Library in Istanbul, Turkey, under the code MS 1465. This Mathnawi is systematically structured into five books (bab), fifteen treatises, and incorporates forty-seven illustrative narratives (hikayat). These narratives significantly enhance the accessibility and appeal of its complex thematic content. The work comprises 5,295 couplets exploring Islamic mysticism (irfan), philosophical wisdom (hikma), and practical ethics. Khwarazmi's methodological approach in Konuz al-Haqa'iq aligns with the tradition established by earlier Persian poetic masters such as Abu Shakur Balkhi in his didactic (Afarin-nameh), as well as Sana'i, 'Attar, and Jalal al-Din Muhammad Rumi. Specifically, he employs narrative tales to convey profound philosophical, social, mystical, and ethical teachings. The work is thematically situated among those texts resembling Rumi's Mathnawi Ma'nawi, a connection the author himself acknowledges in his introduction. Although some contemporary scholars have classified this mathnawi as a commentary on Rumi's work, a thorough examination of proximate historical sources and subsequent biographical dictionaries reveals no such traditional designation. Furthermore, several modern researchers have explicitly contested this characterization. This article argues, through detailed evidence and textual analysis, that Konuz al-Haqa'iq is not a commentary but an independent and coherent literary work in its own right.&#13;
Keywords: Konuz al-Haqa'iq, Mystical Mathnawi, Philosophical Poetry, Husayn Khwarazmi, Jawahir al-Asrar, Commentary on Mathnawi, Persian Sufi Literature.&#13;
Introduction&#13;
The mystical and ethical Mathnawi Konuz al-Haqa'iq opens with traditional praise (hamd) and supplication (munajat) to God, followed by eulogies (na't) for the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Khwarazmi structured his composition into five primary books, an organization he metaphorically compares to the structure of the prophetic law. Each book is subdivided into three treatises, and each treatise incorporates several illustrative narratives (hikayat), which serve to elucidate the central concepts. The books are outlined as follows:&#13;
Book One: Concerning the attributes of the possible king, analogous to the spirit within the inner human world (Khwarazmi, n.d., folio 20r).&#13;
Book Two: Concerning the attributes of the knowledgeable minister of the possible world, analogous to the heart within the inner human world (Khwarazmi, n.d., folio 48r).&#13;
Book Three: Concerning the attributes of the human world, analogous to the intellect within the inner human world (Khwarazmi, n.d., folio 82r).&#13;
Book Four: Concerning the attributes of the mystic, who in the possible world is akin to a spiritual guide (Khwarazmi, n.d., folio 126v).&#13;
Book Five: Concerning the attributes of the lover, who in the possible world represents the truth within the human inner self (Khwarazmi, n.d., folio 165r).&#13;
Sources contemporary with or closely following Khwarazmi's era, including subsequent biographical dictionaries, never identified Konuz al-Haqa'iq as a commentary on Rumi's Mathnawi. This modern interpretation appears to originate with scholars like Said Nafisi (Nafisi, 1965, p. 243), whose view has influenced subsequent readings despite a lack of historical precedent.&#13;
Materials and Methods&#13;
This research employs a library and documentary research methodology, centered on the critically established text of Konuz al-Haqa'iq. The work is subjected to both descriptive and analytical examination, with the primary objectives of accurately identifying, introducing, and contextualizing Konuz al-Haqa'iq fi Rumuz al-Daqa'iq, while simultaneously critiquing and refuting the assertions of certain contemporary scholars regarding its nature as a commentary.&#13;
The sole extant manuscript of Konuz al-Haqa'iq, MS 1465, located in the Topkapi Palace Library, Turkey, serves as the foundational source for this study. The manuscript's binding is crafted from brown leather, and the pages are of a cream-colored paper. Each page consistently contains thirteen lines of text. The manuscript is paginated, with folio numbers clearly indicated at the top of each page. Notably, it lacks any explicit mention of a transcription date or the name of the scribe, placing its likely production in the latter half of the 9th century AH/15th century CE based on paleographic and contextual evidence.&#13;
Research Findings&#13;
Nafisi (1965, p. 243) is identified as the first scholar to explicitly characterize Konuz al-Haqa'iq as a commentary on the Mathnawi. Following his lead, numerous later authors adopted this classification. A significant exception was the late Zabih-Allah Safa, who consistently maintained that Konuz al-Haqa'iq is not a commentary but rather an independent mystical mathnawi (Safa, 1985, v. 4/492).&#13;
A comparative analysis with Khwarazmi's unequivocal commentary, Jawahir al-Asrar wa Zawahir al-Anwar, reveals fundamental structural and methodological differences. In Jawahir al-Asrar, Khwarazmi explicitly states his purpose to comment on Rumi's Mathnawi and proceeds systematically, explaining verses from the beginning of the first volume to the end of the third. Conversely, Konuz al-Haqa'iq lacks this line-by-line exegetical framework. Furthermore, Khwarazmi himself makes no reference within Konuz al-Haqa'iq to it being a commentary on any other work.&#13;
The intrinsic nature of the text, which develops its own themes through original narratives rather than explicating an existing text, alongside its stark contrast with the confirmed methodology in Jawahir al-Asrar, strongly indicates that Konuz al-Haqa'iq is not a commentary. Additional supporting evidence includes references within Jawahir al-Asrar by figures like Khwaja Abu al-Wafa and Prince Ibrahim, urging Khwarazmi to compose a commentary on the Mathnawi. These entreaties suggest that such a commentary (Jawahir al-Asrar) was a new undertaking, undertaken after and distinct from the composition of Konuz al-Haqa'iq.&#13;
Discussion of Results and Conclusions&#13;
Konuz al-Haqa'iq fi Rumuz al-Daqa'iq is firmly established as a work of Taj al-Din (Kamal al-Din) Husayn bin Hasan Khwarazmi (770-841 AH/1368-1437 CE). This study has presented a reasoned argument, supported by textual and historical evidence, demonstrating that Konuz al-Haqa'iq is not a commentary on Rumi's Mathnawi. Instead, it is an independent didactic poem wherein ethical and mystical concepts are articulated through engaging narratives, intended for the moral edification and spiritual development of its audience and the author's disciples.&#13;
The misclassification of the work originated with Said Nafisi (1965, p. 243) and was subsequently perpetuated by others. This interpretation stands in opposition to the perspective of scholars like Zabih-Allah Safa (1985) and is not substantiated by historical sources close to the author's time. The conclusive evidence derives from a direct comparison with Khwarazmi's authenticated commentary, Jawahir al-Asrar, which exhibits a completely different organizational principle and exegetical method. The internal evidence from Jawahir al-Asrar itself further confirms that Khwarazmi had not previously authored a commentary on the Mathnawi before that project. Therefore, Konuz al-Haqa'iq should be recognized and studied on its own merits as a valuable contribution to the corpus of Persian mystical and philosophical poetry.&#13;
&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Discourse Analysis of Ubayd Zakani’s The Treatise of One Hundred Advices Based on Critical Discourse Analysis</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29844.html</link>
      <description>Abstract&#13;
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a theory derived from sociology and linguistics that posits that texts, while being influenced by prevailing socio-political conditions, can in turn influence and transform those very conditions. Among the various approaches to CDA, Norman Fairclough&amp;amp;rsquo;s model is regarded as the most comprehensive, consisting of three levels: description, interpretation, and explanation. Ubayd Zakani, an eminent writer, poet, and satirist of the 8th century AH, composed profound works in response to the corruption and oppression of his time, using his wit and critical insight as tools of social critique. The present study aims to uncover the hidden layers of meaning in The Treatise of One Hundred Advices (Resāle-ye Sad Pand) in relation to the socio-political context of the Ilkhanid era. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and library-based research, both quantitative and qualitative analyses were conducted. The importance of this research lies in revealing the critical and humorous role of Ubayd&amp;amp;rsquo;s admonitory discourse as a mode of resistance to the dominant social conditions. The findings demonstrate that Fairclough&amp;amp;rsquo;s framework effectively elucidates the linguistic and rhetorical subtleties of Ubayd&amp;amp;rsquo;s satire, offering insights applicable to other literary analyses.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis; Norman Fairclough; Treatise of One Hundred Advices (Resāle-ye Sad Pand); Ubayd Zakani.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Introduction&#13;
The term discourse, derived from the French discours, represents a synthesis of linguistic and sociological perspectives. It suggests that the full understanding of meaning arises not only from lexical and grammatical structures but also from their use within specific social and situational contexts. When discourse is employed to critique social and political issues, it becomes Critical Discourse. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), therefore, explores the interrelation between language, power, and ideology within texts.&#13;
Ubayd Zakani, a poet of the 8th century AH, is renowned for his bold and unflinching critiques of moral and social corruption in post-Mongol Iran. Using satire and humor as his weapons, he confronted hypocrisy and vice across all layers of society. The significance of this study lies in explaining the function of Ubayd&amp;amp;rsquo;s witty admonitions as a response to the political and social circumstances of his time, as well as the reciprocal role of societal structures in shaping the discourse of The Treatise of One Hundred Advices.&#13;
This research seeks to analyze the treatise through Fairclough&amp;amp;rsquo;s three levels&amp;amp;mdash;description, interpretation, and explanation&amp;amp;mdash;in order to uncover its deep structures and ideological dimensions in connection with the socio-political context of the 8th century. The study also aims to identify the discursive features and elements that shaped this text and to reveal the author&amp;amp;rsquo;s ideology regarding power and society.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Research Questions&#13;
&#13;
To what extent have linguistic devices been employed for discourse-oriented purposes?&#13;
How are the mutual influences of language and socio-political conditions reflected in The Treatise of One Hundred Advices?&#13;
What is the author&amp;amp;rsquo;s perspective toward different social classes and prevailing conditions?&#13;
&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Hypotheses&#13;
The study assumes that the text contains discourse-oriented purposes behind its lexical and grammatical choices; that it reflects the socio-political circumstances of Ubayd&amp;amp;rsquo;s time; and that different social classes both shaped and were influenced by these conditions.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Materials and Methods&#13;
Data were collected through library-based research. Using a descriptive-analytical approach, both quantitative and qualitative analyses of The Treatise of One Hundred Advices were conducted according to Norman Fairclough&amp;amp;rsquo;s CDA framework. The work was examined at three levels: description, interpretation, and explanation.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Research Findings&#13;
The results indicate that Ubayd Zakani, through concise and witty language, employed relational, experiential, and expressive values within the lexical and grammatical domains to convey critical discursive purposes through his hundred admonitions. By this means, he criticized all social classes and portrayed a deeply negative image of society during that historical period.&#13;
Moreover, the analysis reveals that Zakani&amp;amp;rsquo;s discourse does not merely ridicule or condemn but strategically exposes the contradictions between ethical ideals and actual social behavior. His use of irony and satire functions as a linguistic tool for unveiling hypocrisy and moral decay in different social strata. By combining humor with criticism, he constructs a powerful socio-political commentary that invites readers to reflect on the degeneration of values and the loss of integrity within both the ruling elite and the common people.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Discussion of Results and Conclusions&#13;
At the first level (description), the treatise was analyzed using fifteen linguistic components (such as indicators, substitution, and verb modality), and their frequencies were presented. At the interpretation stage, the general structure of the work, the role of participants, and their relationships were examined, highlighting the central role of language&amp;amp;mdash;particularly satire and humor&amp;amp;mdash;in crafting a concise yet impactful text. Intertextual relations were also identified. At the explanation stage, the reciprocal relationship between the treatise and the structures of power and ideology in the Ilkhanid society was discussed. The findings show that Ubayd skillfully used linguistic values and cohesive devices&amp;amp;mdash;especially imperative mood&amp;amp;mdash;as dominant features of his discourse. Despite its brevity, the treatise employs word relations in a discourse-oriented way.&#13;
Through his admonitory tone, Ubayd depicted social realities and moral corruption with biting irony, describing misconduct among men and women so extensively that moral purity seems almost absent in his portrayal. His sharp criticism of religious hypocrisy leaves sincerity and truthfulness confined to marginal groups such as rindān and qalandarān. With its concise and apt title, The Treatise of One Hundred Advices endures as both a social record and a satirical outcry against moral and political decay.&#13;
Ultimately, this treatise exposes the people&amp;amp;rsquo;s struggle for survival amid political turmoil, illustrating the reciprocal influence between language and socio-political instability. The harshness of tone mirrors the disorder of society. Yet, given Ubayd&amp;amp;rsquo;s intellectual and political standing, this sharp and naked satire serves a dual purpose: to admonish and awaken reform in some, while offering a bitter solace that may embolden others in their wrongdoing.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Position of Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya from Historical Reports to Fictional Narratives</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29796.html</link>
      <description>Abstract&#13;
The personality and position of Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya in historical reports related to his lifetime have similar details and a generally unexaggerated outline, but in the shadow of the intellectual atmosphere of Shiite movements and the history of their missionary activities that began in the centuries before or close to the era of ibn al-Hanafiyya, the historical identity of Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya transformed in a transitional process. In this regard, issues such as emancipation, unity, reincarnation, imamate, and manifestation were also raised in relation to him. Furthermore, in order to promote such topics in a better and more attractive way in competition with the Twelver, Ismaili, and Zaydi Shiites, the Ghali and their followers, in addition to introducing their thoughts and ideas into various areas of jurisprudence and theology, have also shown special attention to fictional narratives, which are mostly limited to the subject of the possible Imamate of Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya. Although it is not possible to determine a specific period of time for the publication of such rituals in the context of literature due to the lack of necessary documentation, it is possible to demonstrate well, by relying on Persian fictional sources, how the personality and status of Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya have transformed under the influence of the teachings of the sect attributed to him. In this process, how the historical personality of Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya, far from false and extravagant beliefs, has transformed into a bloodthirsty or loving hero in a cycle of narratives, and to what extent the storytellers of such narratives have benefited from the legacy of epic literature. The present study, using an inductive method and focusing on historical and literary sources, has attempted to reveal such a transformation in independent fictional narratives related to Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya.&#13;
Keywords&#13;
Mohammad ibn al-Hanafiyya, History of Development, Kaysāniyya, Historical Sources, Fictional Narratives.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;Introduction&#13;
Fictional texts are considered one of the important and epoch-making areas of Persian literature, which, due to their high number, variety of themes, large volume, rich content, and impact, can play a significant role in the evolution of epic, lyrical, and didactic literary genres. In Islamic history, characters such as Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah have received much attention due to their strong heroic aspect, and the frequency of existing narratives about Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah and the numerous manuscripts of his stories can be a document to this claim.&#13;
Materials and Methods&#13;
The present study, in order to explain the difference in the position of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah in historical and fictional sources, has been conducted in two parts by using an inductive method. In the first part, after presenting the introduction, in order to analyze the historical background of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah&amp;amp;rsquo;s personality, characteristics such as his identity, birth and death, titles and descriptions, virtues, scientific status, contemporaries, and period of his life have been examined based on reliable sources. Then, in order to analyze the literary background of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah in fictional reports, after reviewing scattered references to him in Persian literature, four independent fictional narratives of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah have been introduced.&#13;
Research Findings&#13;
Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah is the son of Imam Ali (AS) and the paternal brother of Imam Hassan and Imam Hussein (AS), and is known as the namesake and nickname of the Prophet of Islam (PBUH). Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah was actively involved in the battles of al-Jamal, Siffin, and Nahrawān in support of his father. After Karbala, Mukhtar al-Thaqafi called people to the Imamate of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah, and they imagined that he was the Al-Mahdi, but Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah denied these attributes and avoided making this claim.&#13;
In independent stories that are written with the role of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah as the central character and have a non-real and imaginary background, the storyteller, in a linear and simple narrative pattern, defines the identity of Ibn al-Hanafiyyah in relation to women such as Sha&amp;amp;rsquo;ara, Shamima, Zayn al-Arab, and Zofunoon as a loving hero who appears to be reunited with his beloved or by his side during a series of battles. In such narrative accounts, it is clearly understood that love has become a pretext and excuse for Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah to appear in the epic space.&#13;
&amp;amp;nbsp;&#13;
Discussion of Results and Conclusion&#13;
In some historical reports, not only is there no significant performance of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah observed, but in the political movements of his time, he is more of a passive figure than an active element. There is even evidence in which Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah is introduced as a figure who maintains the middle ground and the side of moderation in relation to the rulers of the time. However, the historical identity of Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah in the sources and books of anecdotes and stories related to him has been shaped largely by the type of relationship Ibn al-Hanafiyyah had with Mukhtar al-Thaqafi and Abdullah ibn Abbas, and the Umayyad and Marwanid political movements.&#13;
Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah appears in independent narratives as a loving hero who, in order to be reunited with his beloved, engages in a series of battles in jihad against the infidels. A comparison of historical and literary accounts, especially fiction, proves that Mohammad al-Hanafiyyah underwent a transitional process of transformation, during which, while maintaining his heroic identity, he transformed from a passive character into an influential and dynamic element in Persian stories.&amp;amp;nbsp;</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Study of Mistakes and Wrong Indication of the Arabic Words' Pronunciations in the Latest Edition of Tarikh-e Bayhaghi and Some Other Observations about It</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29776.html</link>
      <description>Abstract&#13;
Tarikh-e Beyhaqi is one of the masterpieces of Persian prose and among the most valuable sources for understanding the history of the Ghaznavid era. This book has been critically edited and published multiple times. The latest critical edition, prepared by Mohammad-Ja&amp;amp;lsquo;far Yahaqqi and Mehdi Seyyedi, was published in 2009 (1388 AH) and has since been reprinted six times. A new, thoroughly revised edition with additions and corrections was released in 2022 (1401 AH). In this revision, the editors, responding to feedback from researchers and drawing on several critiques of the earlier edition, addressed a number of errors and shortcomings in the text, footnotes, and other sections. However, one of the most frequent yet largely overlooked flaws in this edition&amp;amp;mdash;rarely addressed in existing reviews&amp;amp;mdash;is the inaccuracy in quoting and vocalizing (i&amp;amp;lsquo;rab) the Arabic phrases appearing in the introduction, main text, footnotes, indexes, and sources. The present study aims to identify and provide correct forms of Arabic expressions that have been erroneously vocalized or transcribed. It also offers additional observations concerning some oversights, inaccuracies, and errors found in the editors' footnotes and bibliography.&#13;
Keywords: Tarikh-e Beyhaqi, Yahaqqi&amp;amp;ndash;Seyyedi Edition, Arabic Phrases, Diacritics, Transcription Errors, Critical Editing.&#13;
Introduction&#13;
Tarikh-e Beyhaqi, authored by Abu&amp;amp;rsquo;l-Fazl Mohammad ibn Hossein Beyhaqi (385&amp;amp;ndash;470 AH), is one of the most brilliant examples of classical Persian prose. The style of the book is transitional: it retains the simplicity, clarity, and Persian-centric language of the Samanid era while also incorporating features of more ornate literary prose&amp;amp;mdash;such as interspersing poetry and prose, and frequent usage of Qur&amp;amp;rsquo;anic verses, hadiths, Arabic poetry, and proverbs.&#13;
Before the recent critical edition, five independent editions of Tarikh-e Beyhaqi had been available: those by Morley (lithographic edition from Calcutta), Adib Pishavari, Nafisi, Ghani-Fayyaz, and Fayyaz. However, in 2009, a new critical edition was published by Yahaqqi and Seyyedi, which remains the most recent and authoritative version of the text. This edition has been reprinted multiple times, with the sixth and most recent reprint issued in 2022.&#13;
Several articles have critiqued this edition, highlighting its textual shortcomings and issues in the annotations and elsewhere. One of the strengths of this edition compared to previous ones is the editors&amp;amp;rsquo; effort to apply diacritics to Arabic phrases throughout the book. Nonetheless, a common flaw&amp;amp;mdash;scarcely addressed in the existing critiques&amp;amp;mdash;is the frequent misplacement or inaccuracy of these diacritics and Arabic transcriptions, an issue that has persisted across all reprints of the edition and remains largely uncorrected.&#13;
Materials and Methods&#13;
This study employs a library-based research method, examining all Arabic elements in the Yahaqqi&amp;amp;ndash;Seyyedi edition of Tarikh-e Beyhaqi and the editors&amp;amp;rsquo; footnotes. The focus is primarily on the accuracy of diacritics and transcription, but also includes related matters such as translation and textual editing. In many cases, to enhance the accuracy and validity of the critiques, the author referred to earlier sources where these Arabic elements appear and compared the editors&amp;amp;rsquo; renderings with those. Additional observations about the footnotes are also presented in the current research.&#13;
Research Findings&#13;
A review of the editors&amp;amp;rsquo; work on Arabic content in Tarikh-e Beyhaqi reveals that in numerous cases, Arabic words and phrases&amp;amp;mdash;whether in the main text or the footnotes&amp;amp;mdash;have been incorrectly transcribed, vocalized, translated, or edited. Some of these errors can also be found in previous editions of the text or in related research, which may have influenced the current editors. Other findings include inconsistencies within the annotations, typographical errors, and incorrect interpretations in some of the commentary.&#13;
Discussion of Results and Conclusions&#13;
Although the most recent edition of Tarikh-e Beyhaqi by Yahaqqi and Seyyedi has addressed many shortcomings of previous prints and includes numerous valuable additions, one of its persistent and widespread flaws is the incorrect vocalization and transcription of many Arabic sentences and verses, both in the main text and in the footnotes. Other issues include the selection of unjustified transcriptions, inaccurate translations of certain phrases, inconsistencies within annotations, and typographical errors&amp;amp;mdash;all of which are addressed in the present study.&#13;
Some of the Arabic-related mistakes seem to have originated from the editors' reliance on the Fayyaz edition. Had the editors consulted Khatib Rahbar&amp;amp;rsquo;s edition more thoroughly&amp;amp;mdash;especially for Arabic verses and phrases&amp;amp;mdash;many of these issues could have been minimized, although even that edition lacks full diacritics and is not entirely free from flaws in this regard.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Critical Analysis of Deficiencies in the Edition of Hilali Joghata'i's Divan and Discovery of Newly Found Poems</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29823.html</link>
      <description>Abstract&#13;
Hilali Joghata'i is a prominent poet of the 9th and 10th centuries AH, contemporary with the Timurian and Safavid eras. His extant divan consists mainly of ghazals, but also includes odes, rubaiyats, and pieces. In addition to the divan, he authored three mathnavis:&amp;amp;nbsp;Shah va Dervish,&amp;amp;nbsp;Sefat al-Asheqin, and&amp;amp;nbsp;Layla va Majnun. The first two mathnavis were published as an appendix to his divan, edited by Saeed Nafisi. Although Nafisi's edition of Hilali's divan holds significant literary and scholarly value, it suffers from numerous shortcomings that necessitate a new critical edition. These include the use of late and unreliable manuscripts, an unclear and unscientific editing methodology, failure to record variant readings, neglect of earlier available manuscripts, oversight of newly-found poems in older sources, and non-adherence to bibliographic principles in verse selection. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study provides concrete examples of the deficiencies in the existing edition and highlights poems omitted from the published divan, emphasizing the need for a new, scientific critical edition of Hilali's divan.&#13;
Keywords:&amp;amp;nbsp;Editorial Deficiencies, Hilali Joghata'i's Divan, Manuscriptology, Newly Discovered Poems.&#13;
Introduction&#13;
Textual criticism of classical works is one of the most fundamental and essential activities in the field of Persian literary research. Its importance is such that it can be considered the cornerstone of any literary analysis and investigation. Unfortunately, a significant portion of our literary heritage remains either forgotten as manuscripts in libraries, never having been edited or published, or was edited in the past using methodologies that are now considered obsolete and ineffective in terms of scholarly accuracy. In the present era, with remarkable advancements in digital technology and unprecedented ease of access to manuscripts through databases and digital libraries, an exceptional opportunity has emerged for researchers. By employing modern textual criticism methods and relying on internationally accepted scientific principles, they can now revisit and re-edit many classical texts. This necessity is particularly critical for works whose existing editions are not free of flaws.&#13;
The Divan of Hilali Joghata'i, a prominent poet of the 9th and 10th centuries AH and a key figure in the Iraqi style of poetry, is one such case. Despite this poet's special place in the history of Persian literature, a comprehensive and scientifically sound edition of his Divan has not yet been produced. The existing edition, prepared by Saeed Nafisi in previous decades, despite its initial value, suffers from fundamental shortcomings in aspects such as editing methodology, the number and reliability of variant manuscripts, the method of recording variants, and the principles of textual criticism, which undermine its scholarly credibility. Recognizing this necessity, the present study aims to systematically critique the existing edition based on scientific principles of textual criticism. By presenting concrete examples of its deficiencies, it seeks to demonstrate the need for a new critical edition of this valuable Divan.&#13;
Materials and Methods&#13;
The present study adopts a&amp;amp;nbsp;descriptive-analytical method and has been conducted through&amp;amp;nbsp;library research&amp;amp;nbsp;and&amp;amp;nbsp;systematic note-taking. Data for this research have been gathered from two main sources: 1) Manuscripts of Hilali Joghata'i's Divan, which form the foundation of this study, and 2) Historical books and reliable biographical accounts (tazkiras)&amp;amp;nbsp;referenced to examine aspects of Hilali's life and poetic era. The methodology is based on&amp;amp;nbsp;a comparative analysis of manuscripts&amp;amp;nbsp;and&amp;amp;nbsp;a critique of the existing edition&amp;amp;nbsp;according to contemporary scientific standards. Relying on&amp;amp;nbsp;direct examination of manuscripts&amp;amp;nbsp;and utilization of&amp;amp;nbsp;primary historical sources, this research aims to introduce newly discovered poems by the poet and, through a precise scientific approach, pave the way for a new critical edition of Hilali Joghata'i's Divan.&#13;
Research Findings&#13;
The investigations conducted in this study clearly demonstrate that a new critical edition of Hilali Joghata'i's Divan is an unavoidable necessity. The existing edition, produced in its time, significantly deviates from contemporary textual criticism standards. The most important justifications for this necessity can be summarized in several key points: First, the previous edition lacks a&amp;amp;nbsp;systematic scientific methodology, and the basic principles of textual criticism were not observed. Second, the&amp;amp;nbsp;bibliographical limitations&amp;amp;nbsp;of the time of the initial editing meant that many reliable and early manuscripts were inaccessible to the editor&amp;amp;mdash;a problem that has now been resolved due to the ease of access to manuscript resources.&#13;
Other serious shortcomings of this edition include:&#13;
&#13;
The presence of asignificant number of newly discovered poems&amp;amp;nbsp;in manuscripts that are absent from the published edition.&#13;
Failure to record variant readings, which is a fundamental principle of textual criticism.&#13;
Incorrect and unjustified readingsin certain verses.&#13;
Non-observance of bibliographic prioritiesin selecting readings.&#13;
&#13;
These fundamental flaws make a new critical edition, based on scientific principles and utilizing all available sources, an undeniable necessity. Such an edition would provide a more authentic text of the Divan of this prominent poet of the Iraqi style.&#13;
Discussion of Results and Conclusions&#13;
The investigations indicate that the current edition of Hilali Joghata'i's Divan requires substantial revision due to non-compliance with scientific principles of textual criticism and the bibliographical limitations at the time of its compilation. The most significant shortcomings include the lack of a systematic methodology, the editor's limited access to early manuscripts, the omission of newly discovered poems, failure to record textual variants, incorrect verse transcriptions, and non-adherence to the priority of reliable manuscripts. These deficiencies confirm the necessity of a new critical edition based on broader sources and precise methodology to present a more authentic text of this prominent poet of the Iraqi style.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Correction of Some Words in the Divan of Suzani Samarqandi</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29875.html</link>
      <description>Abstract&#13;
Suzani Samarqandi is a skillful poet who, despite his merit, has not received sufficient scholarly attention, neither himself nor his poetry. Among the main reasons for this neglect are the difficulties of the language of his poetry and the lack of old manuscripts of his Divan. Naṣir al-Din Shah-Ḥoseyni published two editions of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan. Unfortunately, in both editions, Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poems were edited in a disorderly manner, and the presented text is filled with incorrect and meaningless readings. In his satirical and humorous poems, Suzani employs his own particular language, and most of the difficulties of his poetry lie precisely in these poems. The rare words that appear in this group of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poems have gradually been distorted and corrupted by unfamiliar and careless scribes, and their readings have been altered. However, with the help of certain manuscripts that have to some extent been spared from these distortions and have preserved the authentic forms of the words, and with the aid of auxiliary sources such as lexicons, the correct and genuine forms of these words can be recovered. In the present study, by making use of two newly discovered manuscripts of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan and with the assistance of several dictionaries, thirty-three words that had been distorted in the printed text of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan have been corrected. Some of the corrected words in this article have been recorded in dictionaries without textual evidence, and Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poetry serves as good testimony for them.&#13;
Keywords: Suzani Samarqandi, Divan of Suzani, Word, Correction, Manuscript.&#13;
Introduction&#13;
Suzani Samarqandi is one of the poets of the sixth century AH and a master of eloquence in both serious and humorous poetry. However, he is mostly renowned for his satirical and humorous poems. Some scholars have regarded Suzani as a follower of others in humorous poetry (Forūzanfar, 2008, p. 317), but this opinion does not seem to be entirely accurate. In fact, Suzani has his own distinctive style in humorous poetry and did not imitate anyone. His poetry may be considered to embody two distinct linguistic registers: one in serious verse and another in humorous verse. The vocabulary and frequency of use in each of these two types of poetry in Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s work differ considerably. The main difficulties of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan lie in his humorous poems. In these poems, a large number of rare words have been used, which, over time, in the hands of scribes unfamiliar with them, have disappeared and been altered and corrupted. The absence of old manuscripts and the lateness of most extant copies of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan have also compounded the difficulty of retrieving the correct and original forms of the words in his poetry. For this purpose, alongside the few relatively old manuscripts of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan, one must also rely on auxiliary sources such as lexicons and old anthologies. Moreover, Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s own Divan is, in certain cases, helpful in solving these problems. Many of the difficult and corrupted words in Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poetry occur repeatedly. By tracing and collating these occurrences, one can arrive at the correct forms of these words.&#13;
Materials and Methods&#13;
This study corrects words in Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan based on two newly discovered manuscripts and several dictionaries, including Majmaʿol-Fors, Daneshname-ye Qadarkhan, and so on. Some of these words are repeated in several verses of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poems, but their readings in his printed Divan have been corrupted in multiple verses. Others, however, appear only once in Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan; or, even if they are among his frequently used words, the authors of the article found only a single instance of their corruption in the printed text. Therefore, the corrected words in the present study have been categorized into two groups: &amp;amp;ldquo;frequently used words&amp;amp;rdquo; and &amp;amp;ldquo;unique words&amp;amp;rdquo;.&#13;
Research Findings&#13;
Most of the corrected words belong to archaic vocabulary with few attestations of usage. Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poetry provides valuable examples of their application. Moreover, presenting the correct forms of the verses containing these words contributes to a better understanding of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poetry and draws more attention to the works of this distinguished poet.&#13;
Discussion of Results and Conclusion&#13;
As mentioned, in Suzani Samarqandi&amp;amp;rsquo;s poetry -especially his satirical and humorous poems- numerous rare words have been employed. In the existing edition of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan, these words have been distorted and corrupted, either due to dependence on certain manuscripts or due to misreadings by the editor, and have thus been lost. Naṣir al-Din Shah-Ḥoseyni first edited and published Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan in 1959. This edition contains numerous flaws. In 1965, Shah-Ḥoseyni published a new edition of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan, which includes only this poet&amp;amp;rsquo;s serious poems. Both of Shah-Ḥoseyni&amp;amp;rsquo;s editions, however, fail to do justice to Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s satirical poetry. The editor&amp;amp;rsquo;s lack of access to manuscripts such as the two used in the present study is not a sufficient excuse for these textual deficiencies, because careful use of a source such as Dehkhoda&amp;amp;rsquo;s Dictionary could have resolved many of the problems in the text. Dehkhoda had access to reliable manuscripts of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s Divan and, with his precise and sharp eye, recorded in the dictionary the correct forms of many verses that had been distorted in the printed text of the Divan. Also, the authentic and correct readings of a number of Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s words were listed as variant readings in the footnotes of the printed Divan, but were not incorporated into the main text.&#13;
In the present study, thirty-three frequently used and unique words from Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poems have been documented, and the verses that originally contained these words but had been corrupted in the printed Divan have been corrected. The presence of the correct readings of some of these words and verses in the footnotes of the printed text and in Dehkhoda&amp;amp;rsquo;s Dictionary indicates the editor&amp;amp;rsquo;s carelessness and his improper use of the sources available to him. Some of the words corrected in this article have been listed in dictionaries with few or no textual attestations, and Suzani&amp;amp;rsquo;s poetry serves as valuable evidence for them.&#13;
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Correction and Explanation of Words and Phrases from Jawāhernâme-ye Solṭānī by Dashtaki Shirazi</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29908.html</link>
      <description>Abstract&#13;
Attention to stones and jewels has a long history in Iranian culture and civilization, and several works have been written on this subject. One of the valuable texts for the knowledge of minerals is Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī, composed by Ṣadr al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Manṣūr Dashtakī Shirazi (d. 903). It was written in Shiraz in 886 and dedicated to Abū al-Faṭḥ Khalīl Bahādursoltān, son of Uzun Ḥasan Qara Qoyunlu. The topic of this work is the identification of precious stones with mention of their properties, methods of extraction, prices, and uses. Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī was published in 1335 through the efforts of Professor Manouchehr Sotoudeh under the title Goharnameh. The editor emended the text on the basis of two later manuscripts, dated 1029 and 1292, and published it without commentary or notes. Because the editor did not have access to earlier manuscripts that are now available to us, that edition contains numerous emendations and corruptions. In the present study, based on two early manuscripts in the Ayasofya Library (dated 897) and the Nur-Osmaniye Library (dated 988), the author corrects words and phrases from the Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me text and, to substantiate the correctness of the readings, refers to other mineralogical texts and sources. The result of the research is the identification of correct forms and explanations of words and phrases from Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī and it demonstrates the necessity of producing a new critical edition of this text.&#13;
Keywords: Dashtaki Shirazi; Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī; Early Manuscripts; Scribal Errors and Corruptions; Need for Emendation.&#13;
Introduction&#13;
The color and form of certain stones were attractive to ancient people, who ascribed to them a variety of magical and therapeutic properties. In Iranian culture, there are abundant traces of the use of precious stones in the pre-Islamic period. From roughly the third and fourth centuries AH onward, numerous works on the recognition of stones were written; among them are Al-Jamāhir fī al-Jawāhir by Abū Rayḥān al-Birūnī, Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Neẓāmī by Jawharī of Nishapur, and ʿArāʾis al-Jawāhir and Nafāʾis al-Aṭāyib by Abu al-Qāsim Kāshānī. One of the important mineralogical works is Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī, composed by Ṣadr al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Manṣūr Dashtakī, a well-known physician of Shiraz in the ninth century AH. In 1335, it was emended by Manouchehr Sotoudeh on the basis of two later manuscripts and published under the title Goharnameh in the Farhang-e Irān-zamīn press. The editor&amp;amp;rsquo;s lack of access to earlier manuscripts caused many corruptions and erroneous emendations in the text. The present study reveals a portion of the textual problems of Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī.&#13;
Materials and Methods&#13;
This research relies on two early manuscripts of Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī that, until now, have not been used: first, the manuscript in the Ayasofya Library, no. 3611, dated 897, in naskh script, copied by Aḥmad ibn ʿAlī, comprising 81 folios &amp;amp;mdash; the oldest and most reliable known copy of Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī, written six years before the author&amp;amp;rsquo;s death. Second, the manuscript in the Nur-Osmaniye Library, no. 3763, dated 988, comprising 55 folios, which is the next oldest known copy after the above. In emending and explaining words and compounds, the author relied primarily on these two manuscripts. In addition, to demonstrate the correctness of the readings, several other early mineralogical sources were consulted.&#13;
Research Findings&#13;
Persian mineralogical works merit attention from several perspectives. First, they constitute part of the history of science and reflect the outlook of earlier scholars in mineralogy. Second, they are important for popular culture: consideration of these works shows how minerals were reflected in people&amp;amp;rsquo;s culture and customs. Third, mineral remedies, alongside plant- and animal-based remedies, formed an important part of traditional medicine and are therefore significant for the history of medicine. Correcting the emendations and corruptions found in Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī, for which no fully reliable edition has so far been available, is necessary; such corrections not only clarify aspects of the text but also contribute to a better understanding of the related cultural and scientific contexts.&#13;
Discussion of Results and Conclusions&#13;
Precious stones and jewels have long attracted attention in Iran, and besides ornamentation and luxury, beliefs about special functions and magical properties explain human interest in these stones. Several Persian works on mineralogy survive; although they share some subjects, each has particular features and merits. One of the valuable works on minerals is Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī, written by Abū-l-Maʿālī Ṣadr al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Manṣūr Dashtakī, a notable physician of the ninth century AH (d. 903). The author organized his book with a prefatory section and two main parts. In the first part he discusses: pearl (marvārīd), ruby (yāqūt), emerald (zomurrud), peridot (zabarjad), diamond (almās), ʿayn al-har (ʿayn-al-her), laʿl, turquoise (fīrūzeh), pazahr and animal stones, agate (ʿaqīq), stones similar to yāqūt, jasper (jazʿ), magnet, emery (sanbadeh), dahneh, lapis lazuli (lajvard), coral (marjān) and basad, jade (yeshm), crystal (belūr), jamast and some miscellaneous stones. The second part is devoted to metals and treats gold, silver, copper, tin (qalīʿ?), asrab, iron, khārsīnī, and others. This text was emended and printed nearly eighty years ago by Manouchehr Sotoudeh on the basis of two later manuscripts under the title Goharnameh. Because the editor lacked access to the older manuscripts now available, many errors and corruptions entered the printed text. Furthermore, the editor did not consult related works and published the text without any explanatory notes or commentary. What is presented in the present study as corrections and explanations of some of the mistakes and deficiencies of Jawāhern&amp;amp;acirc;me-ye Solṭānī indicates the extent of the text&amp;amp;rsquo;s defects and the multiplicity of its errors, and thereby clarifies the urgent need for a new critical edition.&#13;
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Bibliographical Attribution Study of Shater Abbas Sabouhi&amp;#039;s Poems</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_29988.html</link>
      <description>Shater Abbas Sabouhi is a renowned poet from the Naserian era; however, there is serious doubt about the authenticity of the poems attributed to him in his divan. the reason for this skepticism is finding some of Shater Abbas&amp;amp;#039;s poems in the context of the poems of some poets, to the point that scholars have, for that reason, denied him versification reality and even denied his existence. of course, any scientific commentary on Sabouhi requires an accurate historical analysis, and one of the necessary explorations in this regard will be the Attribution Study by bibliography of all poems of this poet and has tried to show which poems attributed to the discussed poet are in the divan of which poets. the present article has proceeded by descriptive-analytical method in this subject. this article finally concludes that among the most poems attributed to Shater Abbas Sabouhi, 47 poems, includes 32 ghazals, 1 ghet&amp;amp;#039;e, 6 roba&amp;amp;#039;is and 8 unfinished poetrys, definitely not for Sabouhi and this statistic is almost double the statistics that previous researchers have obtained. Also 10 poems, including 8 ghazals and 2 unfinished poetrys, and 61 poems, including 35 ghazals, 1 mokhammas, 1 ghet&amp;amp;#039;e, 10 roba&amp;amp;#039;is, 13 unfinished poetrys and 1 ballad, except in a few cases where there is suspicious information about them, the probability of their attribution to him being right or wrong is equal.</description>
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    <item>
      <title>A Study of the Manuscript of the Commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar in Khokand, Uzbekistan (Including an Introduction and Critique of this Commentary)</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30154.html</link>
      <description>This article introduces, critiques, and examines the Khokand, Uzbekistan manuscript (Sh.M.Kh.A.) of the explication of Makhzan al-Asrar, registered under number KP7307 and comprising 201 folios, housed in the Khokand Museum of Literature. The research aims to understand the characteristics of the manuscript and the explicator&amp;amp;#039;s approach, assess the research value of the explication, and compare it with prominent previous and contemporary explications (including those of Muhammad ibn Qavam Balkhi, Qadi Ibrahim Tatavi, Vahid Dastgerdi, Servatian, and Zanjani). The first section, with the intention of introducing the explicator&amp;amp;#039;s method, explores some linguistic and literary features of the explication, such as references to verses of the Quran and hadiths, rhetorical points, grammatical and lexical points, references to the poetry of other poets, and so on. In the second section, examples of the explication of verses analyzed, and the textual, methodological, and interpretative differences between the Khokand manuscript and other explications demonstrated. The third section examines some of the explicator&amp;amp;#039;s errors and slips in explaining and clarifying the verses, instances such as The Shooting of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk Tusi with an arrow, the introduction of &amp;amp;quot;Babel&amp;amp;quot; as a well in Kashmir, discrepancies in the recording of certain words, and the incorrect citation of some poetic evidence. The results indicate that the Khokand manuscript is a valuable and relatively rich explication, on par with authoritative explications in many cases, although its shortcomings should not overlooked.</description>
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    <item>
      <title>Discourse Analysis of Advice to Kings
as a Tool for the Reproduction of Power
Case Study of Makhzan al-Asrār</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30172.html</link>
      <description>Makhz al-Asrar, the first poetic work of Nezami Ganjavi, was composed during his youth. Its structure consists of twenty chapters presented in the form of didactic tales that aim at cultivating ethics and mystical refinement of the human being. However, Nezami’s attention is not confined solely to individual or mystical themes; due to the political and social circumstances of his time, he also directs critical addresses toward kings and rulers. In these admonitions, the poet’s language departs from the conventional style of praise and panegyric, adopting instead a sharp, cautionary, and critical tone. The purpose is to reveal the shortcomings of power, particularly injustice, tyranny, and the inefficiency of rulers. In opposition to these, Nezami highlights concepts such as justice and generosity to depict an ideal model of just governance. This study employs Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis and his three-dimensional model to examine the linguistic and discursive mechanisms of admonition to rulers in Makhzan al-Asrar. The findings demonstrate that the tradition of admonition in Nezami’s work functions ideologically, striking a balance between warning, respect, and legitimization of critique. These admonitions simultaneously restrain undesirable behaviors of kings and emphasize the archetype of the ideal ruler. On a broader level, their ultimate aim is to reinforce divine justice and secure social order by redefining the king’s identity and responsibilities.</description>
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    <item>
      <title>Tracing the Evolution of Thought in the Mythological-Tragic Literature of Iran and Greece through the Two Indicators of Hamartia and Hubris</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30200.html</link>
      <description>From Iranian literature, selected narratives from Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh , while in Greek literature, the tragedies of Aeschylus are chosen as the primary texts. In comparing these two cultures, the role of the human being emerges as a central theme, particularly the nature of their actions and reactions in relation to divine systems and the consequences these interactions have on both the individual and society. In the Shahnameh, actions that fall under the categories of Hamartia and Hubris are rare and infrequent, primarily because the relationship between God and human is founded upon justice and fairness. God provides all necessities for humanity and merely expects gratitude in return. Thus, the human in Shahnameh sees little reason to commit acts of Hamartia or Hubris; and if figures like Kay Kāvus and Jamshid engage in such actions, it stems from arrogance and ingratitude rather than dissatisfaction with divine justice. In contrast, Greek culture exhibits a high frequency of actions categorized as Hamartia and subsequently Hubris, reflecting the perceived injustice and limitations imposed by the gods upon humans. The Greek individual initially commits Hamartia, and as self-awareness increases, engages in Hubris in pursuit of personal interests. Through this process of intellectual and existential maturation, and through dialogues with the gods, the Greek human gradually moves beyond Hamartia, legitimizes Hubris, and even secures divine permission and support. Ultimately, the human evolves from a submissive and unquestioning follower of gods—who are often not benevolent—to a being capable of negotiation and dialogue with the divine.</description>
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    <item>
      <title>Ideological Stylistics of the Component of Divine Justice in Saadi&amp;#039;s poem with a Theological Approach</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30201.html</link>
      <description>Ideological stylistics with a Theological approach is a layered stylistic method that serves to analyze and understand the ideological positions of the text, and specifically the ideological and Theological components of speech, and clarifies the relationship of the ideological layer of the text with other phonetic, lexical, syntactic, and rhetorical layers. In this article, the authors, using this comprehensive and detailed method, have examined the component of divine justice in Saadi&amp;amp;#039;s works. First, they have shown the types of ideological norms in the field of intellectual or religious goodness and ugliness, the nature of divine justice, the types of theories on the permissibility or obligation of goodness and rightness on God or the non-obligation of goodness and rightness on God, along with its examples. Then, based on that, they have studied the theological stylistics of the component of divine justice in Saadi&amp;amp;#039;s works. In the final analysis, it is concluded that Saadi&amp;amp;#039;s thought in the component of divine justice is aligned with Ash&amp;amp;#039;arite ideology, and the traces of this influence at the lexical level are clearly evident in the network of words &amp;amp;quot;justice/oppression&amp;amp;quot;,&amp;amp;quot;owner/property/property&amp;amp;quot;, &amp;amp;quot;ruler/ruling&amp;amp;quot;, and &amp;amp;quot;eternal judgment/writing&amp;amp;quot;. As this influence is shown in the syntactic layer of speech by the poet&amp;amp;#039;s use of (conditional sentences) and (God being in the position of &amp;amp;quot;actor&amp;amp;quot; and servants and creatures being in the position of &amp;amp;quot;object&amp;amp;quot;) in explaining the absolute divine will, this influence is finally manifested in the rhetorical layer of speech by the poet&amp;amp;#039;s use of &amp;amp;quot;subordinate metaphor&amp;amp;quot; and &amp;amp;quot;pluralism&amp;amp;quot;.</description>
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    <item>
      <title>A Study of the &amp;quot;The Old Woman and the Sultan Sanjar&amp;quot; anecdote based on the views of Michel Foucault on Discourse Analysis</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30226.html</link>
      <description>Michel Foucault developed a new style in the historiography of every social phenomenon using Approaches of genealogy and archaeology of knowledge, and emphasizing the central role of power. He argues that power is not only exclusively in formal structures, but it is dispersed across all social domains, forming a complex network that permeates society and involves individuals from diverse social backgrounds. The tale of &amp;amp;quot;The Old Woman and Sultan Sanjar&amp;amp;quot; from Nizami’s Makhzan ol-Asrar exemplifies a discourse deeply rooted in power relations, and subject to analysis from Foucolt’s views on discourse analysis. This paper, in a descriptive-analytical method, has studied the discourse of power embedded in this tale and identified features of the discourse and analyzed floating signifiers related to the central signifier, which revolves around justice-seeking. It reveals that the discourse of &amp;amp;quot;idealism&amp;amp;quot; predominates, characterized by a political-critical stance against injustice and tyranny. Within this framework, floating signifiers such as the old woman, the suffering of the oppressed, divine justice, and the Day of Judgment are positioned in opposition to signifiers like Sultan Sanjar, indifference, guards, and oppression. These elements collectively construct meaning and reflect the dynamics of power relations. Ultimately, the tale illustrates how power operates not only through domination but also through resistance and contestation, highlighting the ongoing struggle for justice within social structures. This Foucauldian analysis sheds light on the intricate interplay between power, discourse, and social justice in classical Persian literature.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The necessity and introduction of a new correction to the Tazkirah of Lubab-ul-Albab ‘Awfi</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30235.html</link>
      <description>As the first and most important Persian book of poets-biography, ‘Awfi&amp;amp;#039;s Lubab-ul-Albab has not yet been scientifically and critically revised and published, so that Brown&amp;amp;#039;s edition is not based on the correct method of revision and subsequent editions are based solely on Brown&amp;amp;#039;s edition. Therefore, the existence of numerous errors and shortcomings in the prints makes their new and scientific correction doubly necessary, because some erroneous recordings of the manuscripts have infiltrated the prints, and the manuscripts have omissions and distorted recordings that the comparative correction of the owners of the prints has not been effective in dealing with. The owners of the prints have also sometimes misread some of the correct recordings of the manuscripts, and sometimes, instead of using auxiliary sources, they have introduced their own tasteful and conjectural interventions or unjustified marginal notes from the manuscripts into the text. All of these things have caused the text of the Lubab-ul-Albab to deviate from what ‘Awfi has wroted; instead, in the new correction, which was based on a newly discovered copy of the Lubab-ul-Albab and a comparison with two of its manuscripts, books of poets-biography such as Bazm-Aray and ‘Arafat-ul-Asheghin, which serve as transcriptions of the Lubab-ul-Albab, and other secondary sources have been used to correct for erroneous recordings and omissions in the manuscripts.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Critical codicology of Jalaloddin Davani&amp;#039;s new Persian works</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30236.html</link>
      <description>The scholarly correction of an author’s works relies on the critical codicology of his works. By systematically analyzing manuscripts from libraries around the world, we can carefully clarify the authenticity of books and treatises attributed to various authors. An examination of catalogues from many countries reveals that, in addition to Davani’s well-known Persian works in Iran, there are other works attributed to him globally, and determining their accuracy and originality requires critical manuscript analysis. Accordingly, before a comprehensive arbitration about Davani’s views and ideas, it is essential to investigate the authenticity of his lesser-known works. Therefore, the present study aims to clarify the originality of the text and the accuracy of the attribution of new Persian works attributed to Davani. During the research process, our understanding of Davani’s newly discovered works, particularly in terms of bibliography and codicology, has been enhanced through a comparative study of over 1,100 Persian manuscripts in the catalogues of various libraries. Our findings show that, in addition to the recognized Persian works of Davani in Iran, there is at least one detailed book, two short treatises, and an exquisite collection of Persian poetry not listed in the Persian union catalogues, including the Union Catalogue of Iran Manuscripts (Fankha). This article introduces the following authentic works: 1) The book of Translation and Interpretation of Mokhtasar-o al-Vaqāye, 2) The treatise of the Essence of Faith, 3) The treatise of God’s Knowledge and Will, and 4) A Collection of Poems.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Analysis of the Iran-Shahri Discourse in Manouchehri Damghani&amp;#039;s Divan</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30240.html</link>
      <description>Iran-Shahri is one of the identity-building discourses in the poems of court poets of the fourth and fifth centuries AH. Manouchehri Damghani, one of the prominent poets of the Ghaznavid era, presents a multi-layered image of “Iran” in his Divan, which is tied to nationality, myth, history and culture. This article examines how the Iran-Shahri discourse is represented and reproduced in Manouchehri’s poetry by selecting verses from Manouchehri’s Divan that have Iranist themes, extracting and classifying the system of signs (codes) of national identity and using the method of discourse analysis. The main questions of the research are: How is Iran represented in Manouchehri Damghani’s Divan? And what discursive components does this representation carry? This article attempts to explore the various layers of this discourse and analyze its place in the cultural space of the Ghaznavid era. Manouchehri reproduces the Iran-Shahri discourse with the seven codes of &amp;amp;quot;Iranian geography, mythical figures, historical figures, Iranian festivals and rituals, Iranian calendar, Iranian music and other codes.&amp;amp;quot; Content analysis shows that Manouchehri relying on the manifestations of Iranian culture, has played an important role in the revival of the national identity of Iranians after Islam and is in the line of continuity of the discourse that represents Iran as a rejuvenating and enlightened land. In this respect Manouchehri can be considered one of the pioneers of Iran-Shahri discourse in laudatory odes.</description>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Critical Review of the Edition of Ghazali’s Nasihat al-Muluk</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30244.html</link>
      <description>Naṣīḥat al-Mulūk is one of the few Persian works by Abū Ḥāmid Muḥammad al-Ghazālī (d. 505 AH) and presents a subject unusually rare among his writings; thus, it has long been central to studies of his political thought. Jalāl al-Dīn Homāyī edited the text twice, first in 1315–17 Š./1936–38 on the basis of a single, recently copied and corrupt manuscript, and again in 1351 Š./1972 using seven manuscripts. Dissatisfied with his first attempt, he undertook a second edition. Yet this later edition also contains problems in both “text” and “method.” Although Homāyī’s introduction suggests that he followed a “base-manuscript approach,” he actually used an eclectic method when collating the manuscripts, and his inconsistency in applying either approach has produced ambiguities in the text.

The diversity of the manuscripts is one of the major challenges in editing this work. Because the book was originally composed in two parts, the manuscript tradition includes both one-part and two-part versions, resulting in several distinct recensions. Furthermore, no early copies close to Ghazālī’s lifetime survive.

This study examines the shortcomings of Homāyī’s second edition of Naṣīḥat al-Mulūk in three areas: “the description, evaluation, and use of manuscripts,” “editorial method,” and “textual readings.” It then draws on both the manuscripts employed by Homāyī and newly identified copies to resolve certain ambiguities and to argue for the necessity of a new critical edition of the work.</description>
    </item>
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      <title>Correction of Some Errors in the First Turn of the Holy Qur'an in Kashf al-Asrār wa 'Uddat al-Abrār (With an Examination of Evidence from Volume III)</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30257.html</link>
      <description>The first-stage Persian translation of Kashf al-Asrār &amp;amp;mdash; originally a revised version of an early translation and commentary attributed to Khwāja ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī&amp;amp;mdash;constitutes one of the earliest Persian translation-commentaries of the Qur&amp;amp;rsquo;an. From a linguistic typology perspective, this translation belongs to the Heravi dialectal tradition. In his redaction of the work, Maybudī preserved most of the archaic features of his source manuscript. Accordingly, the text examined in this study, following the Tabaqat al-Sufiyya, treatises and extant manuscripts of Anṣārī&amp;amp;rsquo;s exegesis, represents the fourth most significant and complete source for the study of the Heravi variety. Alī-Asghar Ḥekmat (and in the third volume in collaboration with Ja'far Sho&amp;amp;rsquo;ar) prepared the first&amp;amp;mdash;and so far the only&amp;amp;mdash;critical edition of this work between 1952 and 1960 (1331&amp;amp;ndash;1339 SH), which resulted in ten volumes. Despite the editor&amp;amp;rsquo;s substantial efforts, the edition contains numerous minor and major inaccuracies due to the textual-critical limitations of that period, the vastness of the text, typographical and printing issues, and the dispersed nature of the available manuscripts of Kashf al-Asrār.The authors of the present article seek to correct certain definite errors made by the editor in the first Persian translation stage, with a particular focus on the third volume of the work. These errors, amounting to twenty-seven cases, generally stem from the editor&amp;amp;rsquo;s inattention to his base manuscript or from typographical and inadvertent mistakes that have subsequently found their way into other sources as well.</description>
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      <title>Explanations about the Naqqali Scroll of Shahnameh (Siyahposh&amp;#039;s Scroll)</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30302.html</link>
      <description>The Naqqali Scroll of Shahnameh (Siyahposh&amp;amp;#039;s Scroll) is one of the most important written scrolls. The term “written scrolls” here refers to scrolls that were written in official script for the study of literate people and nobles. Therefore, it should be noted that the audience of these scrolls was not just ordinary and lower-class people of the society. With this explanation, it can be said that the publication of written scrolls should be done in a completely critical manner and in accordance with the correct scientific standards. In addition, writing explanations and annotations of the scrolls is also a specialized task, and it is possible to do this by referring to dictionaries, paying attention to the style and language of the folk texts, and using the text of other scrolls. It is worth mentioning that Sajjad Aydenloo has corrected the Siyahposh&amp;amp;#039;s scroll with the same intention and has also provided notes for this work. Although three articles have been written so far in the critique of Siyahposh&amp;amp;#039;s Scroll, none of these articles have examined and criticized Aydenloo&amp;amp;#039;s comments in detail and comprehensively. Therefore, in this article, the author tries to examine and evaluate the commentaries of the Siyahposh&amp;amp;#039;s Scroll using a descriptive-analytical method and library resources. The research shows that Aydenloo&amp;amp;#039;s commentaries are flawed in some cases and need to be revised. Most of these mistakes were due to unfamiliarity with the words and terms of the said scroll or not referring to dictionaries.</description>
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      <title>The Artistic Application of Arabic Triliteral Root Verbs and Some of Their Morphological Rules in Persian Poetry
(Based on the Poems of Kamal al-Din Isma‘il and Khwaju Kermani)</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30324.html</link>
      <description>The use of Arabic vocabulary, terms, and compounds in Persian poetry, as well as the composition of Molamma&amp;amp;#039;at (poems in two languages) and the embedding of verses (Tazmin), are methods that have linked the works of Persian-speaking poets with the Arabic language, indicating the deep intertwinement of these two languages. Among the terms used in Persian poetry are those from the science of morphology and syntax. This research, employing a descriptive-analytical method, investigates the artistic use of the stems of triliteral verbs (Thulathi Mujarrad) and some of their morphological rules in the poetry of Kamal Esfahani and Khajoo Kermani. The necessity of this research lies in the absence of a comprehensive study on this topic, and its importance stems from the interconnection of the Persian language with Arabic; to the extent that neglecting these issues would leave the conceptual knots of some Persian verses unresolved. The findings of the research determined that most poets of Persian literature have utilized the stems of triliteral verbs (Thulathi Mujarrad) in their poetry through a kind of linguistic play. However, Kamal al-Din [Esfahani] and Khajoo, by delving into the expressive and rhetorical layers of the Arabic language and with the aim of giving depth to their discourse, engaged in theme creation and imagery using the stems of triliteral verbs and their morphological rules. This approach, in addition to creating unique complexities in their poetry, has resulted in one of the most artistic forms of the coexistence of Arabic morphological categories within Persian poetry.</description>
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      <title>Analysis of Folk Rituals in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30325.html</link>
      <description>Folk culture, with its various elements, has long played a significant role in shaping the content of Persian poetry, serving as the foundation for its semantic and content expansion. The incorporation of elements of folk culture in Persian poetry has not only broadened its semantic and content range but has also led to an increase in the volume of ambiguities and the level of obscurity within Persian poetry; this function has been particularly pronounced in certain periods, making poetic texts more challenging to understand. The sixth century stands out as one of these periods, characterized by a strong inclination among poets to incorporate elements of folk culture, resulting in the creation of numerous ambiguous and obscure poems. Athir al-Din Akhsikati is a poet from the sixth century known for his many ambiguous and obscure works. In this descriptive-analytical study, based on library documents and resources, a total of 564 Rubaiyats by Athir al-Din Akhsikati have been examined and analyzed in terms of their incorporation of popular rituals, which are significant elements of folk culture. The findings demonstrate that popular rituals are both frequently and diversely represented in Athir al-Din Akhsikati’s Rubaiyat, thereby contributing significantly to the enigmatic nature of many of these poems. The principal categories of popular rituals identified within the Rubaiyat include slavery rituals; courtly, civil, and military rituals; religious rituals; joy-related rituals; rituals associated with death and mourning; drinking rituals; and various other ritual forms.</description>
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      <title>Textual Analysis of the Masnavi Layli and Majnun: A Little-Known Work by Ali Gilani from the 10th Century AH</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30329.html</link>
      <description>The Layli and Majnun masnavi, composed by Ali Gilani—a largely unknown poet of the 10th century AH—is one of the overlooked examples of Persian romantic–mystical literature. To date, it has neither been critically edited nor received comprehensive analytical scholarly attention. This work, in terms of language, structure, meaning, and style, possesses distinctive features that set it apart from other versions of the Layli and Majnun narrative. The aim of this research is to conduct a text-centered analysis of the masnavi across linguistic, rhetorical, semantic, and intellectual layers in order to reveal its literary, mystical, and cultural potentials in a documented and scholarly manner. The methodology is descriptive–analytical, based on close and comparative reading of the text, supported by historical, literary, and rhetorical sources, and an examination of stylistic and semantic elements. The findings show that Gilani presents a mystical and interpretive experience of love within a romantic framework, where earthly and divine love are intertwined. Through multilayered language, a blend of Persian and Arabic vocabulary, the use of scientific terms, and rhetorical devices such as allusion, metaphor, paradox, and supplication, the text emerges as dynamic, intertextual, and symbolic. By linking tradition with innovation, the poem creates a space that both continues classical Persian literary traditions and introduces a novel approach to mystical expression. As the first scholarly study of this neglected work, this research aims to establish Ali Gilani’s contribution to Persian romantic–mystical literature and open new avenues for studying understudied lyrical texts.</description>
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      <title>Criticism of the publication of the Majma&amp;#039; ul-Khawas and examination of its manuscript additions</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30420.html</link>
      <description>Majma’ ul-Khawas is a book on the subject of the biographies of poets written by Sadiq Beg Afshar. Sadiq Beg Afshar was a famous poet and painter during the Safavid era who wrote Majma’ ul-Khawas in the form of a prologue, eight chapters, and a conclusion, in which he introduced Persian poets of the 10th and 11th centuries AH. Although Sadiq Beg, under the influence of Majalis al-Nafais of Amir Alishir Navai, wrote this book in Jaghatai Turkish, since this work is written in the introduction of Iranian poets and its main part, namely the poems quoted, is in Persian, this collection can also be considered a work in Persian. In Iran, the only existing edition of this commentary, which was based on three manuscripts belonging to Turkish libraries, was compiled by Abdolrasoul Khayyampour and published with a Persian translation in 1948. This revision has been considered important since its publication, and criticisms have been written about it. Despite its importance and value, this edition has some shortcomings, such as misreading words, omission of verses and sentences, and errors in translation. The existence of these shortcomings in this publication has necessitated a new correction of Majma&amp;amp;#039; ul-Khawas. Also, in some existing manuscripts of this work, including some copies in Iranian libraries that were not used by Khayyampour, there are important and noteworthy additions, such as biographies of thirty-seven Iranian poets, and this issue makes it even more necessary to carry out a new correction and translation of Majma&amp;amp;#039; ul-Khawas.</description>
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      <title>Codicological and Content Analysis of the Treatise &amp;quot;Manāqib-e Khwaja-e Azizān&amp;quot; (Ali Rāmitani), a Master of the Khwajagan Tradition</title>
      <link>https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30440.html</link>
      <description>The Manageb Hazrat Azizan as one of the original and important sources in the field of the Sufism in Khorasan and especially in the frame of the khwajegan order was compiled by Muhammad ibn Nezam Khwarizmi Arzhangi, comprehend khwajeh Ali Ramitani, known as “khwajeh Azizan&amp;amp;#039;s sayings. This valuable work takes a rich and diverse content that includes wise sayings, biographies, virtues, poets of Khwajeh and other mystics of Sufism. These sections are well reflected for the qualities of the Recitals, special words, the spiritual mortification of the khwajegan.The present thesis reflects not only the contemplation of the noble elders of the khwajegan string, but also plays an important role in the explanation and illumination of the historical and ideological backgrounds of the formation of manner of Naghshbandieh. .  One of the most important parts of this book is quoting some poems by some mystics that cannot be found in other sources. In the present study, with a descriptive - analytical approach and based on four manuscripts available in Ganjbakhsh libraries (Pakistan), Tashkent and St. Petersburg, is analyzed. The aim of this study is to take a new and effective step toward understanding and deepening of one of the influential figures in the path of khwajegan and development of the Naghshbandieh Order.</description>
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