https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/ Textual Criticism of Persian Literature en daily 1 Wed, 23 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0330 Wed, 23 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0330 https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30809.html https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30325.html AbstractFolk culture, with its various elements, has long played a significant role in shaping the content of Persian poetry, serving as the foundation for its semantic and content expansion. The incorporation of elements of folk culture in Persian poetry has not only broadened its semantic and content range but has also led to an increase in the volume of ambiguities and the level of obscurity within Persian poetry; this function has been particularly pronounced in certain periods, making poetic texts more challenging to understand. The sixth century AH stands out as one of these periods, characterized by a strong inclination among poets to incorporate elements of folk culture, resulting in the creation of numerous ambiguous and obscure poems. Athir al-Din Akhsikati is a poet from the sixth century known for his many ambiguous and obscure works. In this descriptive-analytical study, based on library documents and resources, a total of 564 Rubaiyats by Athir al-Din Akhsikati have been examined and analyzed in terms of their incorporation of popular rituals, which are significant elements of folk culture. The findings demonstrate that popular rituals are both frequently and diversely represented in Athir al-Din Akhsikati’s Rubaiyat, thereby contributing significantly to the enigmatic nature of many of these poems. The principal categories of popular rituals identified within the Rubaiyat include 1) slavery rituals, 2) courtly, civil, and military rituals, 3) religious rituals, 4) joy-related rituals, 5) rituals associated with death and mourning, 6) drinking rituals, and 7) various other ritual forms.Keywords: Popular Rituals, Persian Poetry, Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati.IntroductionFolk culture encompasses a diverse range of cultural elements, both material and immaterial, that are passed down through oral tradition rather than formal education. Unlike official culture, which is taught through written textbooks and educational systems, folk culture is acquired, experienced, and institutionalized through oral processes. Despite these differences, folk culture and official culture share commonalities and relationships. One such relationship can be seen in Persian poetry, where elements of folk culture have been utilized since the inception of Persian poetry. The sixth century of Persian poetry, in particular, saw a widespread use of various elements of folk culture. While this enriched the content of Persian poetry, it also made it more challenging and less accessible. Understanding the basics of folk culture is essential for interpreting the meaning and content of poetry from this period. Athir al-Din Akhsikati, a prominent poet from the sixth century, is known for the complexity and incomprehensibility of his poetry. The use of popular culture elements in his work has contributed significantly to this complexity. This study focuses on the use of popular rituals, a key element of folk culture, in Athir al-Din Akhsikati’s Rubaiyat. The aim is to explore the extent and types of popular rituals used in his poems and analyze how they contribute to the difficulty and incomprehensibility of his poetry.Materials and MethodsThe method used in this study is descriptive-analytical. Data were obtained through documents and library resources. The text under investigation is the Rubaiyat section of the Divan of Athir al-Din Akhsikati. To access these Rubaiyats, the correction of Mahmoud Barati Khansari from the first edition published in 2019 was utilized, out of the three available corrections of the Divan of Athir al-Din Akhsikati. According to this correction, there are 564 Rubaiyats by Athir al-Din Aksikti, found on pages 727 to 847 of his Divan. Due to the size of the population and the statistical sample in this study, all members of the statistical population (564 Rubaiyats) were studied, examined, and analyzed in terms of their depiction of public rituals.Research FindingsIn the study of the 564 Rubaiyats of Athir al-Din Akhsikati in terms of the use of folk rituals, many instances of this element of folk culture were identified. It should be noted that folk rituals are one of the most important and widely used elements of folk culture in the Rubaiyats of Athir al-Din Akhsikati. These folk rituals are remarkably diverse and cover different areas. In this study, they have been categorized into 7 groups:Rituals of ServitudeCourt, Civil, and Military RitualsReligious and Spiritual RitualsRituals of JoyDeath and Mourning RitualsDrinking RitualsOther RitualsThe abundance and variety of folk rituals in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati demonstrate that this poet was heavily influenced by the prevalent practice in Persian poetry during the sixth century AH. The quantity and diversity of folk rituals in his Rubaiyat also contribute to the complexity and challenge in understanding his work. The presence of these rituals in Athir al-Din Akhisikti’s Rubaiyat enhances the levels of meaning and content in these poems, creating connections between these different levels.Discussion of Results and ConclusionThe following lines briefly describe the seven categories of public rituals found in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati, along with an explanation of selected examples from each category: Rituals of Servitude: Slavery (or servitude) was a well-known social institution in the history of Iran before and after Islam, with its own rituals and customs. The rituals and customs associated with slavery often reflected the contemptuous attitude and violent behavior of slave owners towards individuals of this low social class. Persian poetry has provided valuable information about the institution of slavery and the social class of slaves. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati is an example of this, mentioning slavery and slaves extensively. The main rituals and customs of slavery in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Aksikati include: 1) buying and selling slaves, 2) putting a ring in the ear of a slave, 3) making love to a slave, and 4) freeing a slave. Court, Civil, and Military Rituals: Iranians have a rich history in governance and civilization building, with various rituals and traditions that have influenced other governments and civilizations. Persian poetry’s interaction with the ruling governments of Iran, through eulogies, played a significant role in the influence of court, civil, and military rituals on Persian poetry. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati features court, civil, and military rituals, including: 1) “Ejri”, 2) “Bar Dadan” (Giving permission), 3) training a hunting falcon for the king, 4) “Choobak Zadan” (Playing the drums), and 5) placing poison under the royal ring. Religious and Spiritual Rituals: Rituals are essential elements in the worship and belief systems of various religions and sects. Iranian culture has seen the emergence of new religions and sects, with followers practicing various religious rituals. Persian poetry reflects these religious rituals, with the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati featuring Islamic rituals such as: 1) seeing the new moon as a sign of the end of fasting, 2) circumambulating the Kaaba, and 3) the prohibition of “Haram” hunting. Rituals of Joy: Iranian culture has long been rich in celebrations and ceremonies of joy, many of which are still practiced today. These events were institutionalized in the context of national and religious issues, leading Iranians to deeply believe in and uphold these traditions. Some Iranian celebrations were tied to natural or significant life stages, beginning concurrently with these periods. Persian poetry often highlights the specific rituals associated with these joyous ceremonies. For example, the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati mentions rituals like “Hejleh Bastan” and “Shekkar Chidan”. Death and Mourning Rituals: Death is a fundamental aspect of human life, leading to the development of various rituals across cultures to cope with the uncertainties and emotional impact it brings. In the Iranian culture, rituals surrounding death have been prevalent throughout history, often depicted in Persian poetry. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati illustrates rituals such as: 1) applying camphor to the dead body, 2) shrouding the dead body, 3) burying the body, and 4) wearing mourning clothes (“Kabood Poushi”) in funerals. Drinking Rituals: Drinking rituals in Iranian culture are closely tied to wine, from its preparation to consumption and effects. Persian poetry has long explored the theme of drinking, influencing the creation of various rituals related to it. The Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati mentions rituals like 1) drinking in memory of someone, 2) drinking snacks, 3) making friends, and 4) purifying wine. Other Rituals: The seventh category in the Rubaiyat of Athir al-Din Akhsikati is titled “Other rituals”. These public rituals can be categorized into two types. The first type includes rituals specific to certain regions, omitted due to their rarity. The second type encompasses rituals with multiple aspects, bridging different categories or incorporating elements from previous rituals. Examples from this category include: 1) wearing “Kaghazin Pirahan”, 2) applying a mole on the forehead with the blood of the victim, 3) “Khazab Kardan”, 4) “Dagh Kardan”, 5) “Dayegi”, 6) “Sala Dar Dadan”, 7) “Ayyari”, and 8) “Kous Zadan” (a singing tool). https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30257.html Abstract The Persian translation of the Quran in the first edition of Kashf al-Asrār—which is essentially an edited version of an ancient translation and commentary attributed to Khwāja ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī—is one of the earliest Persian translation-commentaries. From a linguistic typological perspective, it belongs to the Heravi (Herat) variety. In his revision of this work, Maybudī largely preserved the archaic features of its original source. Consequently, the text examined in this study represents the fourth most important and complete source for the analysis of the Heravi variety—after Ṭabaqāt al-Ṣūfiyya, the Rasāʾil, and the surviving manuscripts of the commentary by Khwāja ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī. ʿAlī Aṣghar Ḥikmat (and in the third volume, with the collaboration of Jaʿfar Shāʿar) undertook the first and only critical edition of this work from 1331 to 1339 AH (1952–1960 CE), resulting in a ten-volume publication. Despite the editor’s considerable efforts, due to the significant limitations of textual editing at that time, the vastness of the text, printing and typographical issues, as well as the dispersion of the extant manuscripts of Kashf al-Asrār, his edition contains many errors, both minor and substantial. In the present study, the authors aim to correct some of the editor’s verifiable mistakes in the Persian translation of the first edition, focusing specifically on Volume Three of the work. These errors—27 in total—share a common cause: the editor’s oversight of the base manuscript or inadvertent typographical mistakes that have subsequently spread to other secondary sources. Keywords: The Qur'an, Kashf al-Asrār; Maybudī; Khwāja ʿAbdullāh Anṣārī; Correction. Introduction Maybudī's Kashf al-Asrār wa 'Uddat al-Abrār is one of the most prominent exegetical and literary legacies of the sixth century AH. The first part of this work, dedicated to the translation of Quranic verses, is essentially the translation of Khwāja 'Abdullāh Anṣārī and holds particular linguistic significance for preserving the features of the "Heravi linguistic variety". Despite considerable effort, the edition by 'Alī Aṣghar Ḥikmat, due to limitations such as restricted access to original manuscripts at the time of editing and printing errors, in some places deviates from Maybudī's redacted version of Khwāja 'Abdullāh Anṣārī’s translation and the linguistic structure of that period. This study aims to re-examine certain errors in the printed text, focusing on the third volume, and correct them based on several early manuscripts, particularly the editor's base manuscript. Materials and Methods This research was carried out using a "critical editing" approach and a descriptive-analytical method. To correct some errors in the first part of the Quran translation, the authors collated the printed text (Ḥikmat's edition) with three early manuscripts (Nūr 'Uthmāniyah MSS 444 and 474, and Yeni Cāmi' 43). The selection criteria for the evidence were cases where the printed text either conflicted with the source text (Quranic verses) or contradicted the stylistic and grammatical characteristics of early prose and the Heravi dialect. Furthermore, in all these cases, the reading in the printed text differed from the base manuscript and the two other manuscripts, indicating that the editor either misread the text or the printed edition contained typographical errors. Research Findings Following the comparison and critique of the printed text of the third volume of Kashf al-Asrar with the base manuscripts (and two ancient manuscripts from the Nuruosmaniye Library), 27 errors were identified. These findings were categorized and corrected into the following three classes: Scribal errors and visual slips in manuscript reading: This category includes cases recorded incorrectly in the printed text due to orthographic similarities in the manuscripts. For example: "شک" (Doubt) in Verse 16 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was changed to the correct recording of "تنگ" (Narrow/Tight), corrected based on the base manuscript for semantic consistency. "بدست مگیرید" (Do not take by hand) in Verse 57 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was corrected to "بدوستی مگیرید" (Do not take in friendship) to restore the precise meaning of the word lā tattakhidhū. "بستدیم" (We took/seized) in Verse 14 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was changed to the original manuscript recording, "ستدیم" (We took/seized), correcting the editor's misreading of the infinitive setadan. "دمی برون آرد" (Brings out a breath) in Verse 16 (Surah Al-Ma'idah), which was a typographical or scribal error, was recorded as "می برون آرد" (Brings out) to correct the verbal prefix. Lexical modernization and intervention in archaic equivalents: In this section, words replaced in the printed text with conventional equivalents instead of the original equivalents of the Heravi linguistic variant were restored. For example: "بهتر" (Better) in Verse 60 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) for the translation of sharr (evil), was corrected to the archaic recording "بتر" (Worse/Evil) to restore the original and stylistic Heravi form. "گران کاری" (Heavy work/excess) in Verse 68 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was changed to "گزاف کاری" (Extravagance/Excess), replacing Meybodi’s specific word in the translation of tughyānan. "قوی" (Strong) in Verse 2 (Surah Al-Ma'idah), resulting from a recording error, was corrected to "قومی" (A people) to restore the correct word according to the verse. "زیر" (Under) in Verse 66 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) for the translation of fawq (above), was changed to the correct recording "زبر" (Above) to correct a gross semantic error. Deficiencies in grammatical markers and connective elements: This category includes cases where the deletion or alteration of syntactic markers distorted the characteristics of the Heravi linguistic variant and the accuracy of the translation. For example: "سفر" (Travel) in Verse 6 (Surah Al-Ma'idah) was corrected to "سفری" (A travel) to restore the "Indefinite Ya" to match the indefinite word in the Quranic text. "خدای" (God) in verses such as 73 of Al-Ma'idah and 58 of Al-A'raf was changed to the original recording "خدایی" (A god) to observe the indefinite marker in the translation of ilah. "باشید" (Be - plural) in the First Turn was corrected to "بید" (Be - archaic plural) to restore a distinguished feature of the Heravi variant in the verb structure. "خدا" (God) in Verse 70 (Surah Al-A'raf), which appeared as an indefinite form (a god), was rewritten as the definite form "خدای" (God) to match the name Allah in the verse. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of this research indicate that the existing edition of Kashf al-Asrar in the First Turn (Volume 3), despite its general validity, suffers from flaws in linguistic details and alignment with the Quranic text. These slips primarily result from a lack of strict adherence to the base manuscript or the stylistic interventions of scribes aimed at simplifying the text. The correction of the 27 aforementioned cases in this study is a necessity for restoring the authenticity of the Quranic translation in this work and providing an accurate source for linguistic research in the field of Eastern Iranian dialects. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30154.html Abstract    This study introduces, examines, and critiques the Khokand, Uzbekistan manuscript (Sh.M.Kh.A.) of the commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar, registered under number KP7307 and consisting of 201 folios, currently preserved in the Khokand Museum of Literature. The study aims to identify the characteristics of this manuscript and the methodological approach of its commentator, to evaluate the scholarly value of the commentary, and to compare it with major earlier and contemporary commentaries, including those by Muhammad ibn Qavam Balkhi, Qadi Ibrahim Tatavi, Vahid Dastgerdi, Servatian, and Zanjani. In the first section, with the purpose of introducing the commentator’s method, the article examines several linguistic and literary features of the commentary, such as references to Qur’anic verses and hadiths, rhetorical observations, grammatical and lexical analyses, citations from other poets’ works, and related elements. In the second section, selected examples of verse interpretation are analyzed, and the textual, methodological, and interpretive differences between the Khokand manuscript and other commentaries are demonstrated. The third section focuses on certain errors and inaccuracies found in the commentary, including issues such as the account of the shooting of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk Tusi with an arrow, the identification of “Babel” as a well in Kashmir, inconsistencies in the transcription of specific words, and incorrect attribution of some poetic evidence. The findings indicate that the Khokand manuscript constitutes a valuable and relatively rich commentary, comparable in many respects to authoritative commentaries, although its shortcomings should not be overlooked. Keywords: Khokand Manuscript from Uzbekistan, Makhzan al-Asrar, Muhammad ibn Qavam Balkhi, Qazi Ibrahim Tatavi. Introduction The manuscript commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar preserved in Khokand, Uzbekistan, is among the lesser-known and largely unexplored commentaries that have received little scholarly attention to date. Although detailed information about this commentary is scarce, its importance and the scholarly value of its content necessitate careful examination. Accordingly, the first section of this article concentrates on the commentator’s method and on selected linguistic and literary aspects of the commentary that assisted the commentator in explicating the verses. This analysis demonstrates that the commentator possessed substantial knowledge of grammar, rhetoric, astronomy, Qur’anic and Hadith studies, narratives and anecdotes, as well as the literary conventions commonly employed in textual commentary. The second section addresses the interpretation of several debated verses from Makhzan al-Asrar and, through comparison with other extant commentaries, clarifies the value and distinctiveness of the explanations offered in this manuscript. The third section is devoted to identifying and analyzing certain oversights and errors on the part of the commentator. Materials and Methods The present research has been conducted using a descriptive, comparative, and analytical methodology, drawing primarily on library-based sources. After a close examination of the Khokand, Uzbekistan manuscript commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar, the interpretations and explanations offered by its commentator are systematically compared with those presented in earlier and contemporary commentaries in order to assess similarities, differences, and scholarly value. Research Findings Several distinctive features of this commentary merit attention and differentiate it from some other commentaries on Makhzan al-Asrar. One notable characteristic is its more extensive citation of Qur’anic verses, hadiths, and authoritative sayings. Another prominent feature is the commentator’s heightened attention to the rhetorical aspects of the verses and their interpretive explanation. Sensitivity to linguistic and lexical nuances, as well as to grammatical points, also figures prominently in this work. Where necessary, the commentary elaborates on narratives and accounts related to specific verses, offering relatively comprehensive explanations. Attention to auxiliary fields of knowledge reflected in Nizami’s poetry—such as astronomy and medicine—constitutes another important characteristic, and the commentator demonstrates considerable familiarity with these disciplines. Additionally, the citation of poetic verses by figures such as Khaqani, Kamal al-Din Ismail, Zahir Faryabi, and others represents a further distinguishing feature of this commentary. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The findings of this research demonstrate that the Khokand commentary on Makhzan al-Asrar represents a significant resource for understanding this work, exhibiting both notable strengths and identifiable weaknesses. Among its positive features are: (1) extensive reliance on Qur’anic verses and hadiths as tools for elucidating poetic meanings; (2) the commentator’s awareness of prevailing auxiliary knowledge, including astronomy, medicine, mythology, and religious narratives, which aids in clarifying certain complex concepts; (3) precise attention to rhetorical devices such as metaphor, simile, metonymy, and personification; and (4) the use of poetic evidence from figures such as Khaqani, Zahir Faryabi, Sa‘di, and others to substantiate and clarify interpretations. These characteristics position the commentary as a relatively independent and useful scholarly reference, displaying considerable strengths in comparison with some earlier and contemporary commentaries. At the same time, certain errors and inaccuracies are not insignificant, including misattributions—such as statements attributed to Khwaja Nizam Tusi that conflict with the text and other historical sources—misinterpretations of the geographical context of myths, such as identifying “Babel” as a well in Kashmir, and inconsistencies in the transcription of particular words that affect the understanding of verses. These issues do not undermine the overall scholarly value of the manuscript; rather, they underscore the necessity of producing a critical, research-based edition accompanied by comparative annotations, in order to more precisely determine the position of this commentary within the broader tradition of interpretations of Makhzan al-Asrar. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30244.html AbstractNasihat al-Muluk is one of the Persian works attributed to Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, which, due to the author’s prominence and the political-ethical nature of the text, has long attracted scholarly attention. Jalal al-Din Homay edited this work twice, and his corrections have served as the main reference for most subsequent literary and textual studies. However, close examination of the available correction reveals several ambiguities and deficiencies, particularly in the identification and evaluation of manuscripts, the editorial methodology, and certain textual readings. The present study adopts an analytical–critical approach to examine the principal issues in Homay’s correction, focusing on manuscript studies, editorial principles, and textual variants. Furthermore, the study seeks to clarify some of these problems by using both the manuscripts available to Homay and newly discovered manuscripts. The findings indicate that the diversity of Nasihat al-Muluk manuscripts in terms of structure, transmission, and lineage, together with the scarcity of early and reliably dated manuscripts, played a major role in the textual problems observed in Homay’s correction. Consequently, although Homay claimed to follow a “base manuscript” approach, in practice, he adopted a heterogeneous and eclectic method. The study concludes that access to newly discovered manuscripts can resolve some textual ambiguities and illuminate the historical development of the text, highlighting the scholarly necessity of producing a new critical correction.Keywords: Nasihat al-Muluk; Critical Correction; Eclectic Editing; Newly Discovered Manuscripts; Jalal al-Din Homay; Abu Hamid al-GhazaliIntroductionJalal al-Din Homay edited Nasihat al-Muluk twice. His first correction was based on a single, incomplete, and corrupted manuscript. After obtaining six additional manuscripts, Homay prepared a second correction, published in 1972/1351 AH. Nevertheless, this second correction also suffers from various textual and methodological issues. The introduction is overly extensive and includes unnecessary discussions; it lacks a coherent critical commentary and instead offers scattered footnotes, while the indices and tables remain incomplete. The editorial method itself also requires careful examination.The main research question of this study is how these deficiencies and textual problems emerged and what strategies can be adopted to address them. To answer this question, the authors analyze Homay’s manuscripts and editorial procedures in detail. It appears that the diversity of Nasihat al-Muluk manuscripts in structure and lineage, together with the absence of reliable early witnesses, were major factors contributing to these problems. This situation compelled Homay to adopt an eclectic approach in practice, despite his claim that he intended to follow a base-manuscript method (Ghazali, 1972, p. 39).To date, no comprehensive and independent study has systematically examined the manuscripts of Nasihat al-Muluk or critically evaluated Homay’s editorial method. Zarrinkoob, in Farar az Madreseh, briefly referred to certain deficiencies in Homay’s manuscripts, but his remarks are scattered and do not constitute a structured analysis. In the field of editing Nasihat al-Muluk, Homay’s work remains the most influential reference, and most subsequent studies continue to rely heavily on his corrections.Materials and MethodsThis research adopts an analytical–descriptive approach based on library sources. In addition to examining Homay’s editorial method in the second correction (1972/1351 AH), the authors consulted the manuscripts used by Homay, the text of al-Tibr al-Masbuk, and several newly discovered manuscripts. The aim was to trace the origins of specific textual ambiguities and to assess the extent to which the existing correction conforms to accepted principles of critical editing. Selected examples of these analyses are presented in the section on textual issues and ambiguities.Research FindingsIn his first correction, Homay relied on a single manuscript containing both parts of the text. Later examination of newly discovered manuscripts revealed that some copies of Nasihat al-Muluk contain only the first part, while others include both parts—a situation also reflected in the Arabic versions. Moreover, the manuscripts vary significantly in terms of transmission and genealogical relationships.In the second correction, Homay used seven Persian and three Arabic manuscripts, yet he made several errors in identifying and dating them. For instance, the «صو» manuscript, contrary to Homay’s claim, does not belong to the 7th or 8th centuries but appears to be an independent copy from the 10th or 11th century. The «نو» manuscript is not dated 853 AH, as Homay suggested, and evidence points to a later date. Similarly, palaeographical analysis of the «مص» manuscript indicates a later period than that proposed by the editor. Overall, only two early dated manuscripts—«فا» (709 AH) and «صو» (863 AH)—were available to Homay. This heavy reliance on undated or late manuscripts significantly influenced textual readings and undermined the consistency of the editorial method.Discussion of Results and ConclusionsOne of the main challenges in editing Nasihat al-Muluk lies in the absence of manuscripts close to the author’s lifetime and the considerable diversity among existing copies in structure and lineage. Although the present authors also lack access to very early manuscripts, the newly discovered materials allow for the revision of certain readings and a clearer reconstruction of the genealogical relationships among the manuscripts.Analysis of textual samples demonstrates that the failure to adhere strictly to a base manuscript, combined with an eclectic approach, occasionally resulted in inconsistencies and ambiguities in the text. Given the shortcomings of the existing correction and the availability of new manuscript evidence, the production of a new critical correction of Nasihat al-Muluk is academically necessary. Such a correction, based on more systematic and methodologically rigorous sources, would contribute both to improving the textual reliability of the work and to a more accurate understanding of its historical development and authenticity. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30240.html Abstract This study adopts an integrated framework of semiotics and discourse analysis, informed by Michel Foucault’s concepts of resemblance, recognition of the other, and quiproquo, to examine the representation and reproduction of the Iranshahri discourse in the Divan of Manuchehri Damghani (d. 432 AH), a major panegyric poet of the Ghaznavid period. The research identifies and categorizes semiotic systems of Iranian national identity into seven principal codes: Iranian geography, mythical figures, historical kings, Iranian festivals and rituals, the Iranian calendar, Iranian music, and other cultural signs (including language, games, and symbolic animals). A quantitative analysis of 402 instances across 216 verses demonstrates that Iranian music (107 cases), Iranian geography (79 cases), and the Iranian calendar (76) are the most frequently employed codes. The study argues that Manuchehri, writing in a political and cultural environment dominated by non-Iranian (Turkic) rulers and competing Islamic discourses, strategically reactivated pre-Islamic Iranian sign systems. This discursive reconstruction served four main functions: 1) reviving Iranian national identity; 2) mapping a symbolic “cultural Iran” grounded in territorial imagination; 3) legitimizing non-Iranian rulers by adorning them with Iranian ethical archetypes; and 4) defending the Persian language as a core marker of cultural selfhood. Consequently, Manuchehri emerges as a pioneering figure in articulating the Iranshahri discourse within panegyric poetry and in ensuring the continuity of Iranian identity in the early Islamic period. Keywords: Manuchehri Damghani; Iranshahri; Semiotics; Discourse Analysis. Introduction Persian literature of the early Islamic centuries functioned as a crucial site for the construction and negotiation of Iranian cultural identity. In this period, “Iran” was not merely a geographical designation but a symbolic construct shaped by mythological, historical, and cultural memory. Court poets of the Samanid and Ghaznavid eras, including Manuchehri Damghani (d. 432 AH/1040 CE), played a central role in sustaining this memory through the creative reactivation of Iranian sign systems. Although Manuchehri is traditionally known for his nature poetry, Arabic stylistic influences, and hedonistic imagery, this study contends that his Divan is deeply permeated by the Iranshahri discourse. The term Iranshahri refers to a civilizational discourse rooted in pre-Islamic Iranian identity, emphasizing mythology, kingship, ethical ideals, and cultural self-definition in contrast to the aniran (non-Iranian). This research goes beyond earlier descriptive studies by employing a combined semiotic–discursive methodology. It seeks to answer two main research questions: 1) Which semiotic systems reproduce the Iranshahri discourse in Manuchehri’s poetry? And 2) What ideological functions do these systems perform?  Materials and Methods The primary corpus of this research is the complete Divan of Manuchehri Damghani. The theoretical framework integrates classical semiotics (Saussure and Peirce) with Foucault’s discourse theory. Foucault’s concept of resemblance is particularly significant. In History of Madness, he describes how an artificial social environment is constructed through signs, simulating reality within a confined space. Similarly, Manuchehri reconstructs the symbolic world of pre-Islamic Iran within the dominant discourse of the Ghaznavid court. Through poetic simulation, he creates a psychologically “real” cultural space for Iranian identity. Foucault’s notions of recognition of the other and quiproquo are also applied to verses in which Manuchehri appears to diminish Iranian heroes. Such rhetorical exaggerations paradoxically reinforce the symbolic authority of these figures by treating them as universal standards of comparison. Methodologically, the study first identified all verses containing Iranian cultural signs. These 402 instances were categorized into seven semiotic codes and subsequently analyzed through qualitative discourse analysis. Research Findings Geography and Territory: Manuchehri consistently presents Iran as a unified and expansive realm extending from China to the Mediterranean. This imagined geography reflects the Sassanian worldview rather than contemporary political realities, thereby constructing a symbolic “cultural Iran”. Mythical and Historical Figures: Figures such as Rostam, Fereydun, and Anushirvan function as ethical archetypes. By comparing his patrons to these heroes, Manuchehri not only flatters rulers but institutionalizes Iranian models of kingship as normative political ideals. Festivals and Calendar: Nowruz, Mehregan, and Sadeh are reactivated as symbolic centers of collective memory. These festivals structure a distinctly Iranian temporal rhythm that reinforces cultural continuity. Iranian Music: Musical references operate as cultural resistance, political performance, naturalized identity, and collective memory. Music becomes a living archive of Iranian civilization. Persian Language: In explicitly choosing Persian over Arabic, Manuchehri asserts linguistic selfhood. Persian becomes not merely a medium of expression but a symbol of national identity. Discussion of Results and Conclusions Considering the results of the present study, it can be said that Manuchehri’s Divan constitutes a systematic project of cultural reconstruction. Through semiotic simulation, he revitalizes the Iranshahri discourse within the political space of the Ghaznavid court. This discourse performs three essential functions: Cultural Revival: Reconstructing Iranian identity and territorial memory. Political Ethicalization: Educating rulers through Iranian models of kingship. Linguistic Defense: Affirming Persian as the core carrier of cultural meaning. Thus, Manuchehri transcends the role of court flatterer or nature poet. He emerges as a cultural strategist who used literature as a medium for identity preservation and political negotiation. His poetry demonstrates how semiotic systems can ensure cultural continuity and national survival across historical ruptures. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30329.html Abstract The masnavi Lu’lu’ Maknūn wa Laylī wa Majnūn, composed by ʿAlī Gīlānī—a largely overlooked poet of the tenth century AH—represents a significant yet neglected work in Persian love-mystical literature. To date, it has not received an independent critical edition nor a comprehensive scholarly analysis. This poem exhibits distinct linguistic, structural, semantic, and stylistic features that differentiate it from other nazīra (imitative) compositions within the Laylī and Majnūn tradition. This study aims to conduct a multi-layered textual analysis of the work, encompassing lexical, syntactic-rhetorical, semantic, and intellectual dimensions, to elucidate its literary, mystical, and cultural significance. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, the research relies on close and comparative reading of the text, consultation of historical and literary sources, and examination of its rhetorical devices. The findings reveal that Gīlānī utilizes the framework of a love narrative to present a mystical interpretation of love, where earthly and divine passions are intricately intertwined. The poem’s multilayered language, blending Persian and Arabic vocabulary, technical terminology, and rhetorical devices such as allusion, metaphor, paradox, and dialogue, transforms the text into a dynamic, intertextual, and symbolically rich artifact. While drawing upon earlier literary traditions, the masnavi introduces subtle innovations that situate the reader within the continuity of Persian amorous poetry while offering a renewed perspective on lyrical-mystical literature. As the first step toward a systematic rereading of this work, this study seeks to establish ʿAlī Gīlānī’s contribution to Persian love-mystical poetry and open new avenues for the study of neglected texts in the Persian literary corpus. Keywords: Masnavi Composition, Ali Gilani, Lu’lu’ Maknūn, Leyli wa Majnoon. Introduction Romantic narrative literature is one of the oldest branches of literature, playing a significant role in reflecting emotions and social values across various cultures and civilizations. In Persian literature, the story of Laylī and Majnūn serves not merely as a tale of earthly love, but as a symbol of divine love and mysticism, having been reinterpreted numerous times by various poets. During the Safavid era, many Persian-speaking poets residing in Ottoman territories became standard-bearers of the Persian language and literature, creating luminous works. ʿAlī Gīlānī is among these poets; by integrating religious, mystical, and romantic themes, he composed the masnavi Lu’lu’ Maknūn and Laylī wa Majnūn. Through a multilayered language and diverse poetic structures, he crafted a dynamic work deeply connected to literary traditions. By employing rhetorical devices alongside religious and mystical elements, the poem invites the reader on a spiritual and interpretive journey into its deeper layers of meaning. The work’s language combines the traditions of lyrical literature with the poet’s innovations in this field, creating a fresh voice in romantic literature. Studying this work provides a deeper understanding of the evolution of the romantic genre and the connection between earthly and divine love in Persian literature, while also establishing ʿAlī Gīlānī’s place in the history of love-mystical literature. Materials and Methods This research adopts a qualitative, text-centered methodology grounded in close reading and content analysis. The primary source is the sole surviving manuscript of Gīlānī’s Laylī va Majnūn, preserved in the Manuscripts Library of the Faculty of Theology at Istanbul University. Codicological and paleographical features were examined to establish the manuscript’s historical context and authenticity. Subsequently, linguistic, stylistic, rhetorical, and thematic elements were systematically analyzed. Special attention was given to Qur’anic allusions, hadith citations, mystical terminology, and poetic innovations, contextualized through relevant secondary sources. Research Findings The analysis reveals a deliberate convergence of love, religion, and mysticism, characterized by: The centrality of prophetic love as the supreme spiritual ideal. Functional integration of Qur’anic verses, hadiths, divine names, and Shi‘i symbols. A multilayered linguistic system combining Persian, Arabic, archaic forms, dialectal elements, and neologisms. Formal innovation through the incorporation of ghazals and quatrains. A dense rhetorical structure transforming romantic imagery into mystical meaning. The masnavi Lu’lu’ Maknūn wa Laylī wa Majnūn by ʿAlī Gīlānī cannot be confined merely to the framework of a lyrical love poem. On a deeper level, it serves as a manifestation of the deliberate and purposeful coexistence of romantic literature, mystical thought, religious discourse, and Iranian-Islamic cultural tradition within the intellectual context of the tenth century AH. Utilizing the well-known narrative pattern of Laylī and Majnūn, Gīlānī crafts a text in which the narrative of earthly love gradually elevates to an allegorical and epistemological plane. Love is reinterpreted as a metaphor for spiritual progression and the movement from multiplicity to unity. The work’s structure is consciously designed to be multilayered and expansive in meaning. It features a narrative layer that advances the romantic story; a mystical layer that highlights concepts such as annihilation (fanā’), tribulation (ibtalā’), patience (ṣabr’), and longing (shawq’); and a religious layer that grounds the text within theological and ethical discourse through divine praise, supplication, panegyrics to the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), and Qur’anic and hadithic allusions. These components are not merely decorative; they serve a structural and meaning-generating function, steering the reading of the work from an individual tale toward a collective, educational, and knowledge-producing experience. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of this study reveal that ʿAlī Gīlānī’s love for the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), regarded as the highest form of sacred and divine love, holds a central and structural position within the Laylī and Majnūn masnavi. Although this conception of love has a precedent in Persian literary and mystical traditions, Gīlānī adopts a personal, emotional, yet consciously deliberate approach, transforming it into a meaning-generating element throughout the entire work. The continuous presence of panegyrics, supplications, and religious allusions not only expresses poetic devotion but also signifies an allegorical link between earthly and divine love—a connection in which the human romantic experience finds its meaning in the light of prophetic love, thereby elevating to an educational and spiritual horizon. Thus, Gīlānī’s consistent emphasis on the love of the Prophet deepens the mystical and ethical layers of the work, guiding the reader from individual sentiment toward spiritual self-awareness. This feature highlights the intellectual and artistic distinction of Gīlānī within the tradition of Persian romantic poetry. From a linguistic perspective, Gīlānī’s masnavi possesses a dynamic, multilayered system organized purposefully at lexical, syntactic, and semantic levels. The calculated integration of Persian and Arabic elements, both at the word and sentence structure levels, along with the inclusion of a complete ghazal in Arabic, is not merely a display of the poet’s linguistic skill. Rather, it demonstrates his awareness of the discursive and semantic functions of both languages in meaning production. The use of obsolete and local vocabulary alongside innovative compound formations bridges linguistic tradition with individual creativity, thereby preserving the text’s historical authenticity while creating new capacities for meaning-making. Furthermore, the application of phonetic markers and native suffixes gives the language an auditory and tangible quality, strengthening the text’s local identity and enhancing its communicative bond with the contemporary audience and lived cultural context. Gīlānī also demonstrates that his text is rich not only linguistically and rhetorically but also culturally and scientifically, by employing technical terms and specialized vocabulary from fields such as music, astronomy, and chess. This diversity, combined with structural and lexical innovations, transforms the masnavi into a multilayered, meaning-oriented, and intertextual work. Consequently, it is suitable for analysis in the fields of historical linguistics and semantics, while holding particular significance for studies in mysticism and cultural history. At the level of poetic structure and musicality, the calculated variety of forms—from masnavi to ghazal and quatrain—along with the conscious use of classical meters such as mafāʿīlun faʿūlun and the Hazaj Musaddas Akhrab Maqṣūr Maḥḍūf rhythm, reflects a coherent bond between form and meaning. These metrical choices not only demonstrate the poet’s technical mastery of classical prosody but also serve a meaning-generating function, aligning with the emotional and narrative developments of the text. Metrical variations and the targeted insertion of local vocabulary at specific moments, by reinforcing the poem’s internal music, highlight the intensity of romantic and mystical emotions. This allows the poet to represent the lover’s spiritual experiences in an auditory and impactful form. At the rhetorical and stylistic level, the masnavi employs a dense and purposeful network of allegory, simile, metaphor, metonymy, allusion, and paradox. Their function extends beyond mere linguistic ornamentation or aesthetic appeal. These figures of speech are the poet’s primary tools for objectifying complex mystical experiences and the lover’s psychological states, facilitating the conveyance of concepts that are difficult to express directly in ordinary language. Simple and composite similes and allegories, such as "the candle in the fire" or "the bird in the trap," not only depict the lover’s intense suffering and longing but also make the path of spiritual progression, tribulation, and self-sacrifice tangible and perceptible. Metaphors and metonymies, by creating nested semantic layers, transform the text into a hermeneutic space that invites the reader to actively participate in the meaning-making process. Qur’anic, hadithic, and literary allusions, in addition to strengthening the work’s connection to religious tradition and the preceding literary heritage, expand the semantic horizon of the masnavi, placing the romantic narrative within a sacred and supra-personal framework. In this context, the use of paradoxes such as "ice that is heated" illustrates the paradoxical states of the lover on the path of spiritual progression—a state in which suffering and joy, annihilation and subsistence, and burning and soaring coexist. Thus, the stages of the lover’s inner transformation are highlighted through a profound and rhetorical lens. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30302.html Abstract The Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh (Siyahposh's Scroll) is one of the most significant written scrolls in the Persian tradition. The term "written scrolls" refers to manuscripts prepared in formal script for the study of literate individuals and the nobility, indicating that their audience was not limited to ordinary or lower-class members of society. Accordingly, the publication of such scrolls must be undertaken with rigorous critical methodology and in adherence to proper scholarly standards. Furthermore, the task of writing explanatory notes and annotations for these scrolls requires specialized expertise, achievable through consulting dictionaries, analyzing the style and language of folk texts, and drawing upon other scroll manuscripts. Sajjad Aydenloo has produced a critical edition of Siyahposh's Scroll with this very objective and has also provided annotations for the work. Although three articles have so far been published critiquing Siyahposh's Scroll, none have examined Aydenloo's annotations in detail or comprehensively. The present study, therefore, seeks to analyze and evaluate the commentary on Siyahposh's Scroll using a descriptive-analytical method and library resources. The research demonstrates that Aydenloo's annotations are flawed in several instances and require revision. Most of these errors stem from unfamiliarity with the words and terminology of the scroll or a failure to consult relevant dictionaries. Keywords: Aydenloo, Explanations, Siyahposh, Scroll, Criticism. Introduction The Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh (Siyahposh's Scroll) is the oldest historical scroll that has survived to the present day. Sajjad Aydenloo, the editor of the scroll, chose the title The Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh for the book due to the anonymity of the original manuscript. The manuscript was copied by Abu al-Qasim ibn Badr al-Din Mohammad Siyahposh and bears the date 1135 AH. Aydenloo has provided detailed and comprehensive introductions at the beginning of the book concerning the nature of scrolls in general, as well as the specific features of this manuscript. In addition, the commentary section of the book includes nearly thirty pages of notes elucidating ambiguous and difficult passages. However, several of these notes are incorrect and require correction. Most of these inaccuracies arise from unfamiliarity with the scroll's vocabulary and terminology or from insufficient consultation of dictionaries. Moreover, some of the editor's annotations remain incomplete and fail to assist the reader in achieving a clear understanding of the text. In certain instances, the editor's explanations are fundamentally erroneous due to misreadings of the manuscript and should either be deleted or revised. It should be noted that this research focuses exclusively on examining and critiquing the book's annotations and does not address the broader issues of textual criticism or the analysis of the scroll's content. Materials and Methods To the best of the author's knowledge, three articles have so far been published critiquing Siyahposh's Scroll. However, none of these have undertaken a detailed and comprehensive review of Aydenloo's annotations. Accordingly, the present author has examined and critiqued Aydenloo's notes across 34 specific entries. The author's approach has been to quote the relevant passage from the scroll at the beginning of each section, followed by Aydenloo's explanation of the ambiguous or difficult portions, identified by the keyword "explanation" (توضیحات). Subsequently, the author refutes or modifies Aydenloo's interpretation by presenting arguments and supporting evidence—frequently drawn from folk texts and other naqqali scrolls. In some cases, additional passages from the same scroll are cited as corroborative examples. Where the editor has misread the manuscript, images of the original have been included to enable readers to reach their own informed conclusions. It is worth mentioning that the author has organized these notes according to the page numbers of the scroll text and, in some instances, has inserted the keyword "criticism" (نقد و نظر) after Aydenloo's explanation to enhance clarity. Research Findings In this study, the author has corrected the definitions of several words and terms found in the scroll by consulting dictionaries, folk texts, and the Naqqali Scroll of the Shahnameh itself, as well as by applying his own analytical judgment. Additionally, the editor's ambiguous or incomplete explanations, along with his misreadings of the manuscript, have been re-examined. Through these clarifications, the author has endeavored to resolve the ambiguities and provide a clearer understanding of the problematic passages. In cases of textual misreading, reference to the original manuscript has been made to suggest appropriate corrections. Discussion of Results and Conclusion Through a careful examination and evaluation of Aydenloo's annotations on Siyahposh's Scroll, the present author has concluded that several of the explanations provided in the commentary section require revision and correction. A summary of these findings is as follows: "Mortezā's face was like a garden" means that his face was beautiful and adorned with radiance. In the passage "پس آن شب برآمد چون آفتاب تاب سر از مشرق برآورد" (Pas ān shab barāmad chon āftāb tāb sar az mashregh barāvard), the word "عالم" (Ālam, "world") or "جهان" (Jahān) has been omitted: "چون آفتابِ [عالم/جهان] تاب سر از مشرق برآورد" (chon āftāb-e [Ālam/Jahān] tāb sar az mashregh barāvard). In the compound "لکّه سپر" (Lakke-ye Separ), the word "ابر" (Abr, "cloud") has been omitted by the scribe. The intended form is "لکّه ابرِ سپر" (Lakke-ye Abr-e Separ, "cloud-like mark on the shield"), commonly found in texts as "ابرِ سپر" (Abr-e Separ, figurative genitive construction). The narrator or scribe has likened the curve and twist of the arrow to a frightened and wailing person. The compound "خشک‌بند" (khoshk-band) is recorded in dictionaries and refers to closing a wound with a dry medicament or a dry cloth. The sources of the verses on page 344 of the scroll are Hāṭefi Jami's Timur-nāma, Ghasemi Gonabadi's Shah Ismail Nameh, and Asadi Tusi's Garshasb-Nameh. "گرگ جولان" (Gorg-jolān) is incorrect; the correct form is "کرگ‌جولان" (Karg-jolān). In folk texts, demons, sorcerers, and brave, mighty warriors are often depicted entering the battlefield mounted on rhinoceroses. The word "واقع" (Vāghe) can be interpreted in two ways here: it may be used in the sense of "واقعه" (Vāgheʾe, "event, vision"), referring to the world of dreams, or it may mean "the middle of something". "ضربگه ضربی" (Zarbgah Zarbi) functions adverbially here and means "instantaneously, in the twinkling of an eye". The word "تک" (tak) in dictionaries denotes "bottom, depth, or the abyss of something". The phrase "از رنج راه رسیدن" (Az ranj-e rah residan) was apparently originally "راه‌رنج پرسیدن" (rah-ranj porsidan, "to inquire about the hardships of the journey"). The use of "ترتیب کردن" (tartib kardan) in the sense of "providing the foundations for growth" reflects a stylistic characteristic of the narrator or scribe of the scroll. The term "بسته شدن صف" (baste shodan-e saf) or "بند آمدنِ صف" (band āmadan-e saf) is used when all the warriors of an army have been captured or killed in hand-to-hand combat, and no renowned champion remains in that army to enter the battlefield and engage in single combat with the opponents. "شبرنگ چهر دیو کردار" (Shabrang-e chehr-e div-kerdār) is incorrect; the correct form is "شبِ زنگی‌چهرِ دیوکردار" (Shab-e zangi-chehr-e div-kerdār). In the phrase "از آلایش طعام برداشتند" (Az ālāyesh-e taʾam bardāshtand), the word "دست" (dast, "hand") has been omitted by the scribe: "[دست] از آلایش طعام برداشتند" ([Dast] az ālāyesh-e taʾam bardāshtand). The phrase "یا احد قدیم صمد فرد واجب‌التعظیم سر آواز حمد خدای کریم" (Ya Ahad Qadim Samad Fard vajeb al-Ta'zim Sar Awāz Hamd Khodāy Karim) is rhymed and should be edited with appropriate diacritical marks. "کوروی گوزن" (Koroy Gavazn) is incorrect; the correct form is "گور و گوزن" (Gor va Gavazn). Simorgh's meaning in the passage "باید که سه گاو کوهی بزنی و پوست او را از انبان بیرون کنی و پر آب سازی" (Bāyad ke se gāv-e kohi bezani va post-e o' rā az anbān biron koni va por āb sāzi) is that one must hunt mountain cows in such a way that their skins can be used to fill with water to quench thirst. "بال رسیدن" (Bāl residan) is incorrect; the correct form is "وبال رسیدن" (Vabal residan), meaning "to suffer hardship and difficulty". "صف‌گیر شدن" (Saf-gir shodan) is another form of the compound "صف بسته شدن" (saf baste shodan). "با منّت عمود" (Bā mennat-e amod) means to strike someone with a mace and not with another weapon. The term "طرح کردن" (Tarh kardan) here does not convey contempt but rather expresses anger and irritation mixed with annoyance. "نماز شایست" (Namaz-e shayest) is incorrect; the correct form is "نماز شا[م] بست (: بیست) هزار کس را" (Namaz-e Sha[m] Best (: bist) hezār kas rā). The phrase "و زبان را بازوی خود بگشاد" (va zabān rā bāzo-ye khod bogshād) is a well-known expression used by warriors when addressing an opponent on the battlefield. It means that boasting and exaggeration have gone on long enough; if you truly possess courage, stop speaking and demonstrate your strength and power. The phrase "پرسش کردن" (porsesh kardan) is used in the sense of "seeking news and information about someone or something". The term "سر به گردن کردن" (sar b-e gardan kardan) refers to abandoning someone and refusing to accept any obligation or responsibility toward him. This is the same expression "سر به گردن کردن" (sar b-e gardan kardan) and does not mean "resourcefulness". Here, "مجرّد" (mojarrad) functions as an adverb of time and means "immediately, without delay". "ترازو شدن تیر" (tarāzo shodan-e tir) means that half of the arrow protrudes from or passes through the target. The use of "به نظر انداخت" (Be nazar andākht) is incorrect; the correct form is "به نظر نداشت" (Be nazar nadāsht). In this manuscript, "به نظر" (Be nazar) is used in the sense of "symmetry" or "resemblance". "غرقه" (Ghargheh) is derived from the Turkish word "غَبْرُقه" (Ghabrogheh), meaning "flank and rib"; the scribe has omitted the letter "b" in the manuscript. "سر گوش کردن" (Sar gosh kardan) means to speak to each other confidentially and quietly. "دوربین" (Dorbin) here refers to "چشمِ دوربینِ فلک" (chashm-e dorbin-e falak, "the far-seeing eye of heaven"). The term "عنان‌ریز" (Enan-riz) here, in addition to conveying the concept of "moving with speed and urgency", also implies "moving shoulder to shoulder, collectively".   https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30324.html The use of Arabic vocabulary, terms, and compounds in Persian poetry, as well as the composition of Molamma'at (poems in two languages) and the embedding of verses (Tazmin), are methods that have linked the works of Persian-speaking poets with the Arabic language, indicating the deep intertwinement of these two languages. Among the terms used in Persian poetry are those from the science of morphology and syntax. This research, employing a descriptive-analytical method, investigates the artistic use of the stems of triliteral verbs (Thulathi Mujarrad) and some of their morphological rules in the poetry of Kamal Esfahani and Khajoo Kermani. The necessity of this research lies in the absence of a comprehensive study on this topic, and its importance stems from the interconnection of the Persian language with Arabic; to the extent that neglecting these issues would leave the conceptual knots of some Persian verses unresolved. The findings of the research determined that most poets of Persian literature have utilized the stems of triliteral verbs (Thulathi Mujarrad) in their poetry through a kind of linguistic play. However, Kamal al-Din [Esfahani] and Khajoo, by delving into the expressive and rhetorical layers of the Arabic language and with the aim of giving depth to their discourse, engaged in theme creation and imagery using the stems of triliteral verbs and their morphological rules. This approach, in addition to creating unique complexities in their poetry, has resulted in one of the most artistic forms of the coexistence of Arabic morphological categories within Persian poetry. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30420.html Majma’ ul-Khawas is a book on the subject of the biographies of poets written by Sadiq Beg Afshar. Sadiq Beg Afshar was a famous poet and painter during the Safavid era who wrote Majma’ ul-Khawas in the form of a prologue, eight chapters, and a conclusion, in which he introduced Persian poets of the 10th and 11th centuries AH. Although Sadiq Beg, under the influence of Majalis al-Nafais of Amir Alishir Navai, wrote this book in Jaghatai Turkish, since this work is written in the introduction of Iranian poets and its main part, namely the poems quoted, is in Persian, this collection can also be considered a work in Persian. In Iran, the only existing edition of this commentary, which was based on three manuscripts belonging to Turkish libraries, was compiled by Abdolrasoul Khayyampour and published with a Persian translation in 1948. This revision has been considered important since its publication, and criticisms have been written about it. Despite its importance and value, this edition has some shortcomings, such as misreading words, omission of verses and sentences, and errors in translation. The existence of these shortcomings in this publication has necessitated a new correction of Majma' ul-Khawas. Also, in some existing manuscripts of this work, including some copies in Iranian libraries that were not used by Khayyampour, there are important and noteworthy additions, such as biographies of thirty-seven Iranian poets, and this issue makes it even more necessary to carry out a new correction and translation of Majma' ul-Khawas. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30440.html The Manageb Hazrat Azizan as one of the original and important sources in the field of the Sufism in Khorasan and especially in the frame of the khwajegan order was compiled by Muhammad ibn Nezam Khwarizmi Arzhangi, comprehend khwajeh Ali Ramitani, known as “khwajeh Azizan's sayings. This valuable work takes a rich and diverse content that includes wise sayings, biographies, virtues, poets of Khwajeh and other mystics of Sufism. These sections are well reflected for the qualities of the Recitals, special words, the spiritual mortification of the khwajegan.The present thesis reflects not only the contemplation of the noble elders of the khwajegan string, but also plays an important role in the explanation and illumination of the historical and ideological backgrounds of the formation of manner of Naghshbandieh. . One of the most important parts of this book is quoting some poems by some mystics that cannot be found in other sources. In the present study, with a descriptive - analytical approach and based on four manuscripts available in Ganjbakhsh libraries (Pakistan), Tashkent and St. Petersburg, is analyzed. The aim of this study is to take a new and effective step toward understanding and deepening of one of the influential figures in the path of khwajegan and development of the Naghshbandieh Order. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30628.html The present study examines an ancient translation of the Sahifa al-Sajjadiyah, a collection of prayers of Imam al-Sajjad (a.s.), and attempts to extract, classify, and introduce its calligraphy, stylistic, grammatical, and translational features. For this purpose, the entire text (Arabic and its translation) was examined, and all of the aforementioned features were carefully noted and categorized. The results of this study, which was written using a descriptive-analytical method and based on library sources, show that this text is an ancient and valuable translation that can be dated back to around the ninth century AH. The literal translation method, the ancient linguistic style such as using the pronoun "wise" for "unwise" and equivalents such as "أوجههم عندک: روشناس ترین آنها نزد تو"the most enlightened of them with you," "توحیدک: یکایکی تو " can emphasize that the text belongs to around the ninth century. . .. . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30684.html Among the mythological features in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh are the images of gods and sacred animals that can be examined and analyzed in the underlying layers of the verses of Shahnameh. Narratives related to the winged horse in Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh are scattered and we are not dealing with a single narrative. Some narratives refer to the horse’s feathers/wings and the theme of flight, and others refer to the winged horse in the form of similes and metaphors. In the story of Kaykhosrow riding Shabrang, Ferdowsi tries to show us an image of the winged horse. The aim of this study, in addition to examining the history of the winged horse in Iranian mythology, is to answer the leading question: are Shabrang Behzad (Siavash’s horse) and Rakhsh (Rostam’s horse) winged horses? In the remainder of the present study, based on the method of library searches, the descriptive-analytical reading method was used. The research results show that due to the rationalization of stories during Ferdowsi’s time, many mythological aspects were reflected in the underlying layers of the verses of Shahnameh. Behzad’s Shabrang and Rakhsh are winged horses, and this aspect is more true for Behzad’s Shabrang.? In the remainder of the present study, based on the method of library searches, the descriptive-analytical reading method was used. The research results show that due to the rationalization of stories during Ferdowsi’s time, many mythological aspects were reflected in the underlying layers of the verses of Shahnameh. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30685.html This article investigates the manuscript Eshrat-nāmeh by ‘Ishi Shirazi. The primary source of this study is manuscript no. 1642, listed in volume three of Catalogue des manuscrits persans compiled by Blochet, which was published by the Bibliothèque nationale de France in 1928. Blochet describes the work as a short treatise consisting of ten romantic letters exchanged between two lovers, interwoven with ghazals and mystical fragments. The introduction and analysis of the work—viewed as a continuation of the dahnāmeh-writing tradition of the 14th century, the peak period of this literary genre—alongside the identification of its orthographic, linguistic, rhetorical, and thematic features, constitute the main objectives of this research. The study has been conducted using a “descriptive-analytical” method, relying on codicological approaches (editing a unique manuscript). Data were collected and analyzed through direct examination of the manuscript. The findings indicate that Eshrat-nāmeh, despite belonging to the 15th century, fully conforms to the structural framework of classical dahnāmehs of the 14th century (hexameter hazaj meter, presence of a preface, ten reciprocal letters, and an epilogue). Its simple and fluent language, adherence to normative syntax, avoidance of complex rhetorical devices, use of both Persian and Arabic vocabulary, and distinctive orthographic features are among the results of this examination. This work serves as a first-hand source for research in the genre of dahnāmeh-writing and in the stylistics of poetry, particularly in the 15th century. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30716.html This research investigates common errors in attributing the works of Seyyed Sharif Horoufi to Seyyed Sharif Jorjani. Despite being contemporaries and sharing a similar name, there are fundamental differences in the thought and style of their works. An examination of sources such as the tazkerehs (biographical anthologies) Riyaz al-Sho'ara by Valeh Daghestani and Arafat al-Asheqin by Owhadi Balyani reveals that some poems found in the divan of Seyyed Sharif Horoufi have been mistakenly attributed to Seyyed Sharif Jorjani. Furthermore, in the book Panj Resaleh (Five Treatises), which stylistic evidence indicates belongs to Seyyed Sharif Horoufi, characteristics of Jorjani have been recorded, pointing to this historical mistake. In the bibliographical article on Sharif, three odes are recorded as the Persian poems of Sharif Jorjani; however, these poems are actually found in the divan of Seyyed Sharif Horoufi. Mir Seyyed Sharif Jorjani is primarily known as a philosopher and theologian, and his works have theological and philosophical aspects, while Seyyed Sharif Horoufi belonged to the Horoufi school, and his poetry is filled with mystical concepts and Horoufi symbolism. This study, conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on manuscripts and authoritative sources, demonstrates the necessity of revising previous attributions and conducting more precise research to distinguish the works of these two figures. The results of this research can help correct misattributions in literary and mystical sources. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30805.html One of the fundamental techniques in analyzing literary texts—one that has a significant impact on storytelling style, content structure, and the effectiveness of conveying meaning to the audience—is dialogue. In classical mystical texts as well, dialogue is considered one of the prominent elements in the study of narratives. The examination of mystical works shows that, in addition to enhancing the attractiveness of stories and stimulating the reader’s curiosity, dialogue can also be analyzed from various narrative and thematic perspectives. In the book One Thousand Tales of the Sufis, the narrator, in many instances, presents elevated ideas and the liminal situations of mystics through dialogue and question-and-answer exchanges between characters. The present article seeks to answer the following questions: In One Thousand Tales of the Sufis, what functions and capacities does dialogue have in the narrative style of the stories and in the explanation of mystical-philosophical issues? And can an overall understanding and dominant classification—such as types of character archetypes and prevailing plot patterns—be achieved through examining the narrative functions of dialogues? According to this study, the most important narrative functions of dialogue in One Thousand Tales of the Sufis include: action-oriented dialogue segments, complication (conflict development), suspense and resolution, allusive and metaphorical dialogues, cross-dialogues and the convergence of viewpoints, chronological order (calendar time) within narrative dialogues, character typology and character-developing dialogues, as well as plot expansion and plot-developing dialogues. Furthermore, by examining the behavioral patterns of characters and the narrative structure of dialogues. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30811.html One of the well-known ghazals of Hafez begins with the following verse: One cannot reach those curling locks of yours / Nor can one rely on your promise or on the morning breeze. The second verse reads: I will make every effort in seeking you / Yet the divine decree cannot be changed. Since commentators have not offered a precise and convincing interpretation of this verse, they have attempted to account for its apparent ambiguity by referring to such notions as Hafez’s irony, mockery, and his display of indifference toward the beloved. Most commentators have argued that Hafez means that he will strive to attain union with the beloved; however, because fate cannot be changed, his efforts will necessarily remain limited and ultimately prove futile. Despite these attempts, the existing interpretations do not appear to provide a satisfactory explanation capable of resolving the ambiguity of the verse. A careful consideration of the concepts of qazā and qadar, particularly the subtle distinction between them, can contribute to a more precise understanding of the verse. In Islamic theological discourse, qazā refers to the irrevocable divine decree, whereas qadar concerns the sphere of human agency and choice. The present study critically examines the interpretations offered by commentators, identifies their shortcomings, and, through an analysis of the precise meanings of qazā and qadar, proposes a new interpretation of the verse. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30882.html This article presents the first independent codicological and linguistic-stylistic study of the manuscript *The Tale of Bahrām Gūr and Ḥasan Bānū-ye Parīzād*, a prose popular romance recounting the adventures of Bahrām Gūr that circulated in the Persian narrative tradition chiefly as an appendix to selected versions of the *Shāhnāmeh*. The manuscript is preserved in the Asian and Middle Eastern Division of the Library of Congress, and its colophon identifies the scribe as Ṣadr al-Sharīʿa. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach based on examination of the manuscript, comparison with the Library of Congress catalogue, and analysis of internal textual evidence, the study offers three new codicological findings. First, the correct date of copying is Jumādā I 1290 AH, rather than 1225 AH as previously assumed. Second, the manuscript was copied in India within the Persian manuscript tradition of the Indian subcontinent. Third, a reconstruction of the manuscript's foliation (fols. 1v–30r) is presented for the first time, making precise textual reference possible. The article further examines the lexical, phonological-morphological, syntactic, and rhetorical features of the text through the framework of historical Persian linguistics and comparison with related prose narratives. The findings demonstrate that the manuscript is valuable not only as a codicological witness but also as a source for the study of late colloquial Persian, the development of the Persian language, and the transmission of Persian manuscripts across the Indo-Iranian cultural sphere during the thirteenth century AH. The manuscript therefore provides a foundation for research in Persian codicology, historical linguistics, and popular Persian literature. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30904.html Iranian culture is founded upon shame, and good conduct is predicated on status, prestige, respect, and social approval, whose absence leads to a sense of shame. This approach signifies an interactive relationship at the interpersonal, group, and even national levels, and is referred to as "face" or the observance of politeness principles. Face entails foundations and strategies whose propagation and endurance necessitate education. Didactic texts specifically assume this responsibility. The Qabus-nama is a valuable legacy in which 'Unsur al-Ma'ali has endeavored to teach moral and pedagogical concepts to the audience. One of his techniques for teaching positive politeness strategies more effectively is using hyperbole. This article seeks to analyze the role of hyperbole in reinforcing positive politeness strategies in the Qabus-nama based on Brown and Levinson's politeness theory, employing a descriptive-analytical method and library-based data collection, and to answer how hyperbole reinforces positive politeness strategies. According to the research findings, the author of the Qabus-nama applies positive politeness strategies to mitigate face threat and employs empathetic hyperbole to reinforce them. He elevates laudatory hyperbole beyond mere praise and enhances the value of the addressee's action through linguistic devices. Hyperbolic praise, by means of hyperbolic similes and comprehensive temporal and personal attributions, transfers the action from the addressee's internal, individual moral level to the external level of social identity, thereby creating a new identity. The magnification of skills and renowned personalities, through magnificent role-modeling, introduces the addressee into a shared human value system and reproduces the boundaries of collective identity. https://rpll.ui.ac.ir/article_30905.html Asadi Tusi, in the narrative folds of the Garshaspnameh, articulates his ideological and philosophical insights regarding creation, the cosmos, and its hierarchical levels. In his thought, the hierarchy of the universe originates from God. Through His Will, the 'World of Command' (Alam al-Amr) is brought into existence. From the Divine Command, the Intellect (Universal Intellect), the Soul (Universal Soul), and subsequently, Hyle (prime matter) emerge. The gemstones, heavens, earth, and the threefold progeny give rise to the hierarchical levels of the physical world. The essence of the physical universe is composed of the four elements. The cosmos is temporal (contingent) and was created for a specific purpose; humanity stands as the final and most perfect stage of creation, being a composite of both the spiritual and the physical realms. The creation of humanity is the ultimate goal behind the establishment of the spiritual and physical hierarchies. Man's duty is to uncover the mystery of existence by relying on intellect and adhering to religious teachings, thereby attaining eternal felicity. This research, conducted via a descriptive-analytical method, analyzes the hierarchy of creation or the subject of cosmology from Asadi Tusi's perspective. Asadi's views on the creation of the world and the levels of existence stem from the general outlook of previous and contemporary sages, influenced by the dissemination of Gnostic and Neoplatonic thought in the Islamic world through translations.